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Belgrade, Serbia. Predrag Djurović. Faculty of Geography. University of Belgrade. Belgrade, Serbia. Vladimir Nikitović. Institute of Social Sciences. program of the Videography of the Region on the Alternative film/video , Greek artist and curator Stefanos Tsivopoulos presented a selection.

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Reluctantly, the opposition bloc did so. The resulting student protests, at the universities in both Zagreb and Belgrade, did nothing to weaken the prosecutorial drive of the authorities. The crisis of offered fleeting openings to address the structural problems of the Vidovdan system. On the face of it, a bitter parliamentary struggle had been fought over the fate of an unpopular and probably unconstitutional minority government. Should the centralizing Vidovdan Constitution continue, or should solutions of autonomy, federalism, or confederalism be pursued?

Sliding towards the Abyss The events of made all of this even clearer. The Radicals and the Independent Democrats achieved their best election results ever. But despite police, military, and paramilitary harassment, and despite massive fraud by electoral officials, the now illegal HRSS received enough votes to preserve its status as the second most powerful party in the country and as the undisputed voice of the Croats. With the Radicals and the HSS together in a coalition government, the path to Serbo-Croatian political cooperation finally seemed clear.

The Radicals barely tolerated HSS calls for limited local self-government, parity in taxation between Serbia and Croatia, and investigations into corruption. Yet the Radicals quickly began to lose their cohesion. His passing left a vacuum in the Serbian part of the Yugoslav political scene. The result was a coalition of the Radicals and the JMO. Immediately after this government was formed, the king dissolved parliament and called elections for September.

One such episode occurred during a discussion about taxation on 4 November During the debate, opposition and government deputies alike escalated their insults. The bone of contention was the geographic distribution of the tax burden. Most worryingly, many MPs on both sides wrapped their diatribes in threats of physical violence.

Events would soon show that little space separated rhetorical bullets from real ones. The leaders of the Croats and the Croatian Serbs were now united politically, although many doubted this would last. It was during this period that talk of a dictatorship reached its peak. The military serves and must serve great national and state goals … I admit that a concentration of all parliamentary parties is perhaps the only way in which these current great tasks will be able to be resolved.

I am going to investigate this matter further, but basically I am ready to seek such a [military] candidate with the express task of leading a definite program. After that the parliamentary parties will find a leader in parliament and continue to work under parliamentary leadership. I would by no means want for anything of party politics to cross over into the military. However, although the SLS and the JMO during the spring months had been drifting towards acceptance of a general, the Democrats remained opposed.

Of all the Serbian parties, only the Agrarians remained on good terms with the SDK, but they failed to formalize their cooperation. Even as discussions about a neutral government persisted in —8, political rhetoric in Yugoslavia, never dull, escalated once again to dangerous levels.

Raditch and M. Pribitchevitch are indulging in an orgy of irresponsible oratory. They desired greater regional autonomy and pressed for the redistricting of the country into four zones, claiming this was possible under the Vidovdan Constitution. They continued to protest against police mistreatment and inequity in taxation. Given that the Radicals, in particular, operated a welllubricated patronage system, this was a direct attack on the heart of the government. For now, however, the king resisted such temptations.

Clearly, Aleksandar could not comprehend how any Serb could side with Croats against Belgrade. To that I responded to him that he could not be king if he took only his own blood into account. Except for the Democrats, who quickly came to believe that elections had to be held to resolve the stalemate, the government parties insisted on finding a solution within the framework of the present parliament.

This was the first and only time that a government led by a non-Serb took power in interwar Yugoslavia. By now, the situation had so deteriorated that much more would be needed to placate the SDK. Amputation, in this context, meant partitioning the state between Serbs and Croats as the only way to resolve the Serbo-Croat dispute that was plaguing the country. Given how controversial this was — both at the time and in the historiography — it should be remembered that the Radical Party had first broached the idea.

This appears to have been a calculated bluff by King Aleksandar and the Radicals. The same day, the SDK, aware of the danger that a rump state would face from its irredentist Hungarian and Italian neighbours, issued a statement denouncing amputation. Under this arrangement, Croatia would have its own military, administration, and parliament.

On 1 August , the SDK declared the new government illegitimate, its decisions null and void for areas outside Serbia. Further radicalization lurked around the corner. By early September, the government had taken a much tougher stance towards the opposition; in some senses, the entire polity seemed to have returned to the crisis year of This was a watershed, for until then, only Croat politicians had used that concept to argue for regional autonomy.

If this state were de jure an expanded Serbia as it by God unfortunately is de facto, then we might be able to talk about amputation. The Serbs and the king would certainly have demanded that the line extend to the northernmost and westernmost points of Serb settlement. In this fraught political environment, eyes turned again to the king, who was widely perceived as the only figure in whom almost everyone in the population retained at least some trust.

Yet those who admired him and who looked to him for a solution to the quagmire did so for vastly different reasons. Many in Serbia thought that the Serb king could wield a firm hand and cut through the Gordian knot. Many at the time — and in the later Yugoslav communist and Croat nationalist historiographies — considered this excuse to be risible, but subsequent studies of the Court records have shown it to be true. However, Aleksandar himself contributed to the rumours swirling around the visit by giving statements to the French press and by meeting, unofficially, with high representatives of the French government, including the French president, Gaston Doumergue.

There are indications that he viewed the crisis as less severe than the one in Before leaving for Paris, he had taken pains to squelch rumours abroad of the impending collapse of Yugoslavia. He reiterated that he could accept decentralization if the opposition and the government could come to an agreement about it — adding, however, that he could not accept autonomy for Croatia.

On 1 December , the ten-year anniversary of the founding of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, festivities were to be held throughout the kingdom. Yugoslavia does not belong to us alone, least of all to us, that we might today at will disperse, cut it up, and destroy it … And the struggle in which we await the day today, is nevertheless better and more fertile than the struggle which would develop if we were to split up, divide ourselves, amputate ourselves, because a struggle within borders is incomparably easier than a struggle for borders, and because it is easier to surmount external misfortune standing one next to the other than as one without the other … The struggle against a regime, yes even the blackest one, must not be allowed to degenerate into a struggle against the state.

The struggle against the First of December is a struggle against the state, because it was founded on that day, because the state is the First of December. Will our misfortune, which is not small, also create them? At least one? The citizens resented the heavy-handed calls for public celebrations. Novosti carried no special article on the commemoration, devoting its entire front page to a murder in the courts in Prague. Long live free Croatia!

Long live the Peasant Democrat Coalition! Some communist protests were also evident that day. This turn of events, most likely triggered by a very small number of extremists and exacerbated by the overreaction of the military and the police, pushed the country closer to the brink.

In Zagreb, the situation remained tense, although the students ended their strike. Then Your Majesty would be, by the force of circumstances obvious to everyone, forced to embark upon the formation of an extra-parliamentary government. This [government] would then, by the decision of Your Majesty, with the complete trust of the people, embark upon decisive and very important work.

His government resigned on 30 December , but the king, ill at the Royal Court, did not accept the resignation immediately. He feared his own party would disintegrate into several regional ones if such a plan were implemented. Those audiences were, in fact, almost ridiculously short. Nothing came of this. Meanwhile, the king, while he expressed his desire to speak with a similar expert from Zagreb, tellingly stated that there was no time to wait for such a person to arrive in Belgrade.

This, even though days — and in some senses weeks — had elapsed during which precisely such a person could have been summoned. The king no longer thought that the SDK was all talk and no action, and he feared that chaos would erupt if elections were held. Can all that destructive action be stopped and prevented with peaceful means — with elections, when our electorate is divided, frayed … [sic] I maintain and deeply believe that we are not capable of that.

We have no choice but to resort to the most radical measures in the resolution of our internal political crisis, and to postpone the importance of the constitution for a certain period, as the only possible solution. That long march had decimated its ranks and contributed to the horrendous losses the Serbs had suffered in the First World War — the highest per capita of any country. Because of this there is no possibility for any kind of parliamentary solution whatsoever which might guarantee the maintenance of full state and national unity.

This time, however, the government would exist entirely without a parliament, by the grace and good will of the king. Conclusion The confused experiment with parliamentary democracy and the subsequent introduction of authoritarian rule in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia was part of a larger pattern of the demise of democracy in interwar Europe.

Arguably, a Yugoslav state was doomed to fail after the traumatic struggle over the Vidovdan Constitution. All of this worried King Aleksandar, who feared that his country might split in two. A host of serious socio-economic problems befell Yugoslavia in the s. From the outset, the country had several distinct economies.

The light industry and reasonably well-developed agriculture of the northwest Slovenia, Croatia, Vojvodina quite literally existed in another century than that of the former Ottoman lands. No single legal code held for the entire country.

Educational standards and literacy ranged from mediocre in the northwest to appalling in Bosnia-Herzegovina and the southeast. All the while, government instability combined with nationalist polemics to mitigate against the emergence of any rational or comprehensive development plan.

Hence, the northwest saw its progress stagnate and the southeast could only with difficulty perceive any tangible improvements in its well-being. For the vast peasant majority not involved in high politics, the outlook was grim. On the economic front, hardship was severe even at the best of times.

Slovenia and Croatia could not trade freely with their natural markets in Austria, Hungary, and Italy, and the peasantry throughout the kingdom remained mired in indebtedness. The SDK reaped political capital from real and perceived social and economic inequities, but neither it nor the government parties could boast of a well-considered legislative program.

The distinct national projects of the peoples of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes remained almost hopelessly at odds. For ten years, government parties — the Radicals above all — had wrapped themselves in the cloak of monarchy and national and state unity in order to deflect accusations of misadministration and corruption.

Whoever dared criticize the government was accused of high treason. In this atmosphere, even the most loyal opposition risked suffocation. At the end of the long and tumultuous first decade of the Yugoslav polity, all eyes looked to King Aleksandar, albeit for distinctly contradictory reasons. Narodno jedinstvo remained a distant mirage. For decades, historians of Yugoslavia have debated the causes of the Sixth of January Dictatorship. Most of these explanations have combined variations of Marxist and nationalist determinism to depict a polity structurally doomed to failure.

Yet at several points in the s, and even in , the key actors on the Yugoslav political stage had opportunities, however fleeting, to compromise, to pull back from the brink. That they did not, or perhaps could not, recognize this can be ascribed to the superheated rhetoric of the political arena and to the narrow pursuit of party interests and self-interests by all the actors concerned.

These party interests were, especially in the case of the crucial Serbo-Croatian axis, aligned almost unbendingly with the national question. A close reading of the crucial period from 20 June to 6 January paradoxically makes the end of the parliamentary system in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes look more contingent and accidental in the long run, but more inevitable in the short run.

In the Yugoslav capital, it marked the official beginning of a four-day holiday. Yet the citizens of Belgrade, like those across Yugoslavia, found it difficult to relax. On that day, 6 January , the Royal Court released a manifesto containing a confident and stern message from King Aleksandar. To My Dear People [Narod] To all Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes The greatest national and state interests and their futures command Me, as Ruler and as a Son of this country, to appeal directly to the People and to state openly and sincerely what My conscience and My love for the Fatherland oblige Me to do at the present moment.

The hour has come, when there can and may no longer be any intermediaries between the People and the King. In the course of executing all My High duties, in the execution of which I have demonstrated such great efforts and such patience, My soul has been plagued by the cry of our popular masses — working and patriotic, yet tormented. They have, guided by their natural common sense, long ago discerned that it is no longer possible to take the path which we have hitherto taken.

All useful institutions in our State, as well as a strengthening of our reputation and credit abroad, are thereby endangered. Parliamentarism, which as a political means in the traditions of My unforgettable Father, has remained My ideal as well, began to be abused by blind political passions to such an extent that it became a hindrance for each fruitful labour in the State.

The regrettable discord and the events in the National Parliament made the faith of the People in those institutions waver. Agreements, yes even the most normal relations between parties and people, became absolutely impossible. Instead of developing and strengthening the spirit of national and state unity, parliamentarism — such as it is — is beginning to lead to spiritual disintegration and to national division.

It is My sacred duty to employ all means to preserve State and National Unity. And I have resolved to fulfil this duty without hesitation to the end. To preserve national unity and the integrity of the state, that is the highest goal of My Reign, and that must be the greatest law for Me and for everyone. My responsibility to the Nation and to history commands this of Me. My love toward the Fatherland, as well as piety toward the countless precious victims who fell for that ideal, command this of Me.

Seeking the cure for that evil in the parliamentary changes of government hitherto or in new legislative elections, would mean losing valuable time in vain attempts which have already cost us a few of the past years. We must seek new methods of work and open new paths.

I am sure that in this serious moment all Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes shall understand this sincere word of their King, and that they will be My most trusted helpers in the course of My future efforts, the only goal of which is: to achieve as soon as possible the realization of those institutions, that state administration, and that state order, which will best correspond to general national needs and state interests.

In the future, new laws will be promulgated in the same manner. The National Parliament, elected on 11 September , is dissolved. In communicating to My People this, My decision, I order all authorities in the state to act in accordance with it, and I order everyone and each one, to respect and obey it. The new government promulgated draconian amendments to the already strict Law on the Press, and within a week it had issued the Law on the State Court for the Protection of the State.

Moreover, Article Four of the same law provided the king with complete legal immunity from prosecution. The only other figure entrusted with significant power over legislation was the Minister of Internal Affairs, whom the king could, of course, dismiss. Fourth and finally, the decrees strove to maintain and increase national and state unity. Here it is critical to understand that national unity and state unity are two distinct albeit related concepts: national unity refers to the identity and national cohesion of the populace, whereas state unity refers to territorial integrity.

King Aleksandar undoubtedly intended the new regime to mark a complete break with the past, but he also knew he could not construct a government with completely inexperienced non-politicians. The historian Todor Stojkov argues that by including a large number of top party politicians in his first cabinet, King Aleksandar was co-opting the parties and attempting to sow the seeds of their destruction.

Conspiracy theories flourish around him. The Serb contingent dominated the crucial security and military posts and also held the Justice Ministry. However, the Croats were hardly relegated to minor posts. With the group of Croat ministers the regime of the monarchical dictatorship had a legitimacy which would allow the sixth of January politics to meet with understanding and support on Croatian territory, which was of special significance abroad.

Although minimized by the socialist and the Croatian and Slovenian nationalist historiographies, the initially optimistic greeting of the regime in Yugoslavia undoubtedly extended to Zagreb and Ljubljana. Corruption, malfeasance, abuse of power, regional inequalities in finances and taxation, and a whole host of other ills from the past decade would find their cure under the new regime.

By the evening similar reports were pouring in from a host of other Croatian, Slovene and Dalmatian places, and by Monday the chorus of approval was complete, with not a jarring note. Yet this was based on a fundamental misunderstanding, best expressed in a key statement by the HSS leader.

What kind it will be, that will be seen, but is a certain fact that it cannot be such as it has hitherto been. The Croat political parties, the citizenry, and the followers of these parties, respectively, stand convinced and believe that the goal of the new government must be the fundamental restructuring of the state, i. According to that report, in Croatia until now it has not been possible to observe any change on the basis of which one might conclude that the broad masses are satisfied with the current state of affairs.

At first, there was of course some relief and it was believed that the state of affairs created by the increased party struggles [of the past] would be quickly repaired. But, according to the opinion of the Croat peasants, the government did not succeed in this, nor do they believe that it will succeed. The Croat peasants looked with particular disfavour on the dissolution of their local peasant assemblies. Furthermore, despite some initial amelioration in the situation immediately after 6 January, relations between Serbs and Croats in Croatia had begun to sour once again.

All signs were that the remnants of the HSS continued to agitate among the population. Serb politicians were less happy with Croat and Slovene notions of a return to , viewing them, in fact, as tantamount to a call for secession. The peasants are placing all hopes in the hands of their King and promising him full support and a readiness to pledge their lives if He seeks that … Everyone except those whose conscience is not clean is happy.

As allies of Yugoslavia, the British and the French had watched with concern as Yugoslavia drifted towards chaos in There were, however, initial doubts, especially at the British Foreign Office, about the extent to which King Aleksandar was actually in charge. Like many others, they did not quite know what to do with the ever-present and confusing rumours about the close relationship between Aleksandar and the leader of the White Hand.

These people, it was thought, were hardly likely to rest on their laurels and accept their loss of power and influence. He contrasted the new government favourably with the preceding decade of parliamentarism. He also emphasized that his regime would remain in place for only a limited time until a proper democracy could be created. The exact length of time was carefully left unspecified.

Many of these telegrams were sent to the Royal Court, which organized and archived them. Although most of the messages to King Aleksandar simply offered brief, euphoric congratulations, a significant number suggested reforms and new policies. Over the course of the regime, many of them put pen to paper and sent songs to the Royal Court. And for the Slovene their brother. A series of letters that a Slovene named A. Jamnik wrote to the king are a fascinating example of this.

An agronomist by training, and an honourable member of the Agricultural Section of the Ljubljana Regional Council, Jamnik took it upon himself to offer advice to his king. Work, reality — nothing, party interest — all this, even when there are no parties. The year had been an annus horribilis for the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes.

People disagreed fiercely about which direction the country should take, but almost everyone concurred that the country would either implode or explode if its course were not fundamentally altered. Yet the profound differences in opinion would have made it fiendishly difficult for even the sagest leader to steer a prudent course. This was particularly the case in terms of style of governance. While the scale and nature of the problems confronting the country undoubtedly merited a strong and firm hand, those who felt they had been consistently wronged over the past decade could easily have viewed that firmness as renewed repression.

As part of its efforts to break cleanly with the past, the government promised to root out all corruption, even at the highest levels of the bureaucracy. He elaborated on this in an open letter to the grand prefects published in Politika. After the endemic corruption of the preceding decade, this vow of fiscal prudence was guaranteed to win popular support — except, of course, among those who had profited from the old regime. By all accounts, the dictatorship initially made a serious attempt to fight corruption.

Newspapers published horror stories about laxness, arrogance, and malfeasance in state administration. On the contrary, it gave it an added boost … Some politicians of the Sixth of January regime were earlier known as personalities who saw political functions as a means for the extraction of material benefits. Under the new Law on the Protection of the State, associations bearing plemenski tribal or verski religious titles were required to disband immediately.

For now, only the Communist Party of Yugoslavia and the left wing of the Agrarians protested the dictatorship. Overly zealous individuals, often prejudiced and poorly trained, but also excited about their new duties, often took their objectives too literally. For instance, considerable confusion existed as to whether the ban on tribal and religious organizations referred to any group bearing such a label or whether the police were to dissolve only politically active organizations.

Such societies should not be dissolved because it was not the goal of the legislator to interfere with or limit economic, cultural, educational, noble, and humane development, and in such and similar ways, the progress of the nation. Attention must be paid to the work of such societies and they must be watched. Only in cases in which you have gathered real evidence or reliable information, or if you gather them in the future, will you send me a justifiable suggestion, supported with evidence, that the society in question must be banned or dissolved.

But you will not ban or dissolve it as long as you do not receive a definite order for that concrete case based on my evaluation. This was a clear violation of the spirit and letter of the ban, but no legal action was taken. Desperate to avoid forfeiting property to the state, even secular organizations such as Napredak Progress , a Croat cultural organization, transferred their holdings to the Roman Catholic Church.

While the Church hierarchy in Croatia initially took at least an ambivalent stance towards the dictatorship, many local Catholic clergy nurtured a visceral antipathy for the regime and even for Serbs in general.

The emphasis was on rationalizing and professionalizing the civil service. This was to be achieved through depoliticization and by eliminating overlaps in the bureaucracy. All of these portfolios would henceforth come under the jurisdiction of other ministries.

The Acting British Consul at Zagreb reported that businessmen in Slovenia and Croatia were happy about the crackdown on corruption and that stocks were rising in value. Still, most of the weekly and monthly reports received by the regime insisted that all was well and that the people were overwhelmingly satisfied with the present state of affairs.

The usually mild-mannered British diplomats thought that only the death sentence would have sufficed. They would, at least, have rendered signal service to the cause of decency in debate in the Yugoslav Parliament; for the most fiery of deputies would be encouraged to pick his words carefully, if it were once laid down that in Yugoslavia a revolver is a legitimate and the only suitable reprimand for an unparliamentary expression.

A further logical development would have been the appointment of Rachitch, an expert marksman, as permanent President of a restored Skupshtina, armed with a revolver instead of with merely a bell, which is so often inaudible in the course of a warm debate. As noted earlier, the left wing of the Agrarians had from the outset opposed the 6 January coup. The Agrarian organ Rad Work , banned on 28 January, had been the first victim of the stricter press law.

On 3 April, the police, acting under the authority of the new law on state security, arrested the Agrarian leader, and two days later he was arraigned at the Court for State Protection on charges of scheming to destroy the state and social order. Even so, the warning had been given: no one — including Serbs — was permitted to criticize the workings of the regime.

In painstaking detail, each ministry laid out its accomplishments. The entire statement was an exercise in chest-beating, aimed at proving that more had been accomplished in six months than in the previous ten years. The government again focused on the themes of anti-corruption, depoliticization, and national and state unity. This assessment, shared by almost all observers, needs to be kept in mind when considering the response to the redistricting of the country in October That is, if it was unwise to tackle too many issues at once, what should be done first: redistrict the state, or reform its administration?

The Yugoslav economy had been in recession at least since , when American grain imports began to damage the economies of the Central European and Balkan states. This situation would worsen considerably with the onset of worldwide economic depression in Yugoslavia was keenly aware that it needed new loans, and its allies knew it as well, but the political situation was deterring international lenders.

Yet it never developed a rational plan for dealing with the Great Depression. On the contrary, during the first year of the dictatorship, ministries began to cancel their plans to reduce the size of the civil service, fearing that the redundancies would stoke social unrest. This was a matter of central importance to the regime, because in , schools in Yugoslavia were still not using the same textbooks.

This meant, for instance, that students in former Habsburg areas often learned from textbooks that featured overtly hostile coverage if any of Serbia. Students still were taught Serbianism, Croatianism, and Slovenianism, as had been their parents and grandparents.

No improvement could be detected in relations between Serbs and Croats. Only minor portfolio changes were made during the summer of For those who still had to bribe the same village policeman, or face the wrath of a lazy and choleric bureaucrat, very little seemed to have changed since 6 January For these people, a direct appeal to the king offered the potential for their grievances to be redressed.

Surely the king was unaware that lowly officials were perverting his grand plans and noble intentions? These hopes followed a pattern that has been observed by historians of other autocratic regimes in Europe. A letter sent by the leaders of Serb settlers in Podujevo in Kosovo in November offers a suitable example. With the help of the new decrees, they had succeeded in removing unsuitable individuals from power. First, these supplications are consistently saturated with idealism and humiliation.

The aforementioned petitioners from Podujevo emphasize three times in as many pages that they are loyal and obedient servants of the king. Second, these petitions tend to interpret the Royal Manifesto literally, both in its delineation of goals and in its promise of direct contact between people and king. Finally, especially in petitions from nonSerb areas, the supplicants take pains to emphasize their loyalty to the Yugoslav idea. The letters of Croats in particular tend to include sentences in which so-called tribal thoughts are disavowed.

As with the letters and notes of support sent to the regime, we simply have no way of knowing how many of these documents survive. This makes a rigorous quantitative or qualitative analysis virtually impossible. To complicate matters, the records are very often incomplete, which makes it difficult to determine whether a given petition succeeded. Certainly, though, the Royal Chancellery methodically asked the local authorities for detailed background information and for updates on the issues raised by petitioners.

This, of course, did the petitioners little good if the Royal Chancellery consulted the very officials whom the petitioners were out to remove. People who appealed to the king represented a self-selecting subgroup of the population. Also, petitioners to the king obviously had every reason to emphasize their loyalty to Yugoslavism and to the state.

Yes, their lives had been awful until 6 January ; yes, the manifesto had changed their lives for the better; yes, they had rejected their tribal identities in favour of the one true Yugoslav identity. All of that said, many petitioners formulated their appeals in distinct ways that help us understand how they perceived the regime. An increasing number of laws contained specific language to this effect.

But this did not take the shape of a comprehensive campaign until early October It signified the shift from a state of three peoples to a unitary state. Much more importantly, the long-rumoured plans for a new administrative architecture now came to fruition. With the same law, the regime announced the redistricting of the country, effective in two months. The capital would remain in Belgrade. Historians attempting to trace the origins of the banovinas face a very difficult task.

Almost nothing survives in the former Yugoslav archives in the way of drafts or discussions of prospective banovina boundaries. As mentioned earlier, that grip had tightened after the October local elections. From the time of liberation and until today I have always striven for the disappearance forever of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a regional individuality and as a geographical notion.

He pursued this goal for at least three reasons. First, he had long harboured a strong personal animosity towards that party. According to the semi-official explanation given in Politika, in determining the borders of the new Banovinas, foremost care was taken to make the borders natural, i. In addition, care was taken to ensure that they take advantage of the communicative and natural links of individual regions with the individual centres towards which they gravitate.

Furthermore, care was taken that individual Banovinas be large enough to survive economically and finally that this division completely meet the needs of state administration. The choice of the term banovina was a prudent one. It was derived from ban governor, pl.

For each banovina, King Aleksandar would appoint one ban, who would be accountable only to him. There was no set term of office for the bans. Table 3. In addition, it is difficult to see how the bans — as personal appointees of the king — would implement decentralization in practice.

Banovinas Name Capital Composition Size in sq. Despite this clear and direct link between the banovina and the centre of power, the regime in Belgrade continued to insist that the new state administration would encourage decentralization. The newspaper provided a laundry list of these, which included such matters as veterinary medicine and meteorology. Perhaps because of this broad mandate, the actual dividing lines between the jurisdictions of the bans, local officials, and the central government remained vague.

Time would show that the centre would consistently win such struggles. Upravno odeljenje Administrative Department 3. Poljoprivredno odeljenje Agricultural Department 4. Prosvetno odeljenje Educational Department 5. Finansijsko odeljenje Financial Department An eighth department, the Odeljenje za trgovinu, obrt i industriju Department for Trade, Crafts, and Industry , was included for banovinas with a specific need for such a section.

The jurisdictions of the seven or eight departments can be succinctly described. The General Department housed the secretariat and took care of personnel matters; it also handled correspondence and communication among the departments and other banovinas as well as between the centre and the banovina. The Administrative Department included divisions for administration, public and state security, and self-administration; it also was the principal correspondent at the banovina level with the Ministry of Internal Affairs.

The Agricultural Department dealt with all questions related to agriculture and forestry. The Department for Social Policy and Public Health oversaw the physical and social welfare of the population. The Financial Department kept track of all accounts and budgetary matters. Finally, where applicable, the Department for Trade, Crafts, and Industry directed the industrial and commercial development of the banovina as well as the operations of mines.

In the context of this book, the key departments were the Educational Department and the Administrative Department. It also monitored the whereabouts and dealings of foreign nationals for the duration of their stay in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. To this end, it cooperated with the Ministry of Internal Affairs and, as needed, with other ministries such as the Ministry of the Army and Navy. In practice, it was a talking shop that met only rarely to make vacuous and sycophantic comments.

From the nationalist Croat perspective, the establishment of the nine banovinas amounted to a thorough gerrymandering of the state so as to favour the Serbs. For example, Croats were the majority in only two of the banovinas; Serbs, in six.

Those two territories had been divided in such a way that in no region did the Muslims hold a majority. Moreover, for the Muslims of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the redistricting had profoundly negative political and symbolic implications. In particular, it destroyed the territorial integrity of Bosnia and Herzegovina, which the JMO had spent the first decade of Yugoslavia defending, and which the Vidovdan Constitution, for all its failings, had at least guaranteed.

The new administrative borders established Serb majorities in Vojvodina and Macedonia. A number of Serb historians have suggested that the banovinas and the ideology of Yugoslavism weakened Serb national identity. It was no accident, then, that six of the banovinas were majority-Serb. There, Serbs are in the majority, and they are the best Serbs overall with respect to love for the fatherland and patriotism.

But among the Muslims and Croats living there, there still exist individuals and smaller groups who have not reconciled themselves to the new actual state of affairs. And therefore, you will have work to do on that account as well. Try to maintain good relations with those dissatisfied elements and to win them over slowly to the idea of state and national unity. And where you must prevent harmful action, be decisive, do not relent, and break it off at the root, not letting yourself enter into frontal battle.

The general opinion is that with this act, a permanent end has been put to the convulsions in the economic and political life of these regions, which have because of this suffered so much. The interest of the people for the law on the new division of the country is enormous … It is the only topic of conversation. Although noting that some might be disappointed that Cetinje and not Dubrovnik had become the capital of Zeta Banovina, he argued that here one could learn from the tradition of heroic Serbian self-sacrifice: State interest has determined that Dubrovnik should not be the seat of the new banovina.

Let the example of sacrifice which Serbia has given us convince us that we must forget our individual and sentimental interests, if the interest of the state demands this. Therefore Dubrovnik will neither lose nor suffer a reduction of reputation … Let the most beautiful harmony in work for the mutual benefit and bloom of Yugoslavia dominate between Dubrovnik and its brethren over the mountains … Led by the King who has given us this great proof that he wants only Yugoslavia, we line up in impenetrable phalanxes because in so doing we gravitate toward one goal, a great Yugoslavia.

Jamnik of Ljubljana, whose letters to the king were mentioned earlier in the chapter, regained some of the enthusiasm he had earlier lost. Except for professional politicians, the entire people has sincerely greeted the law. This is all the more the case, since before that politicians were creating some talk, that everything is going to continue along an exclusively Great Serbian track, [and that] of course, the court camarilla supports this manner [of action].

To this end, in October , shortly after the banovinas were announced, a series of poklonstvene delegacije or poklonstvene deputacije fealty delegations began to arrive in Belgrade from around the country. The exclusively male delegations were hand-picked by local and banovina officials.

That these details were provided supports the hypothesis that the regime was using the delegations to co-opt former party politicians. And indeed, most delegates were former members of political parties. The delegations quickly took on a ritual form, with set pronouncements and ceremonies.

The pattern of the visits to Belgrade was as follows. The authorities arranged for free transportation from the provinces to the nearest major city e. When the delegates arrived in Belgrade, government officials and Serb peasants greeted them at the train station. On their first day in the capital, the enthusiastic delegates had the opportunity to meet King Aleksandar.

Peasants were chosen to read paeans of loyalty and love to the ruler, specifically thanking him for his manifesto, which was depicted as a panacea. The king then replied to all this with a brief, stirring speech of welcome. Usually, the speakers also paid homage to the tremendous sacrifice made by the Serb nation in the Balkan Wars and especially in the First World War.

The achievements of the regime were placed in stark contrast to the egoistic and short-sighted policies of the old party politicians. The media, by this point bound by draconian press laws, gave extensive and entirely positive coverage to these visits. The Royal Central Press Bureau, established in April , served as a coordinating agency for the media, setting the tone that other journalists were encouraged to follow. Significantly, the first delegation to visit Belgrade, on 19 October, was a group of Croat zadrugari members of peasant collectives.

We are brothers by blood and language. An evil destiny long divided us. Prominent pro-regime intellectuals pitched in to foster a positive atmosphere of Yugoslavism. One nation [narod] and one name! One fatherland and one patriotism! One future and one duty! One language and one national culture! One tradition and one history! Or in a short and brilliant definition: one history and one state!

On 17 December, more than one thousand delegates from the Sava and Littoral Banovinas arrived at the Court. Besides reiterating the standard themes, the predominantly Croat peasants brought two additional messages. The Sokol Falcon movement, a pan-Slavic youth physical fitness organization with regional-cum-national branches, was the principal agent of this drive for cultural synthesis.

In particular, the regime acted against the Croat Sokol and the Croat and Slovene Orao Eagle, plural Orlovi , the latter a Catholic youth organization based in Ljubljana. The Orlovi were also ordered to disband but were able to survive by reinventing themselves as religious fraternities.

Croatian Serbs founded their own Sokol in May This latter organization encountered frequent problems with Habsburg officials, who feared — not without reason — that it would be a source of Serb nationalist agitation.

In general, the pre Sokol movements in the South Slav lands had a Yugoslav orientation. The politicized aspects of the Sokol movement persisted after the founding of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes. In , a distinct Croat Sokol was founded. In the s, a low-intensity struggle developed throughout the Croat part of the kingdom between these two Sokol movements. The Yugoslav Sokol saw itself as the vanguard of a liberal and anti-clerical Yugoslavism; the Croat Sokol strove to protect the distinct Catholic Croat identity.

It was not unheard of for members of the two organizations to clash on the streets, much like soccer hooligans. The Sokol movement was to play a leading role in efforts to create healthy young Yugoslavs who would be loyal to the fatherland and the king. In July , one faction of the Croat Sokol attempted unsuccessfully to force a merger with the Yugoslav Sokol. When faced with muted local enthusiasm for their activities or with opposition from Roman Catholic clergy, this organization did not hesitate to make its grievances known to the state.

Throughout , the Yugoslav Sokol Union, led by the Slovene writer and pedagogue Engelbert Gangl, pressed for a drastic expansion of its role in society. With the advent of the dictatorship, Gangl sensed an opportunity for his Sokol faction, and he grabbed it. Under that law, the Yugoslav Sokol Union would oversee army physical education and would coordinate Sokol training for males and females from childhood well into adulthood. In the letter accompanying the draft law — which he also submitted to the Education, National Health, and Army and Navy Ministries — Gangl noted with pleasure that the king had taken an active and personal interest in the Sokol movement.

The Croats spurned the offer. In the summer and autumn of , the Sokol was discussed at the highest levels. As separatism is cultivated in this manner, he intends to make it impossible for such societies to organize themselves. The state redoubled its efforts to monitor and harass the other Sokol movements. With special satisfaction I adopt your suggestion that the Crown Prince of the Kingdom always be at the head of the Sokol of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia.

The choice of Gangl, who had also led the defunct Yugoslav Sokol Union, underscored the continuity between the two organizations. The law tasked two ministries — Education, and Army and Navy — with overseeing the new Sokol organization. All students in state schools were encouraged to join the Sokol movement. The law also directed the Ministry of Transportation to facilitate public transportation of Sokol members.

It is clear from the laws just described that the Sokol movement was of central importance to the state after Also, the documents available in the Yugoslav archives show that the state regarded the Sokol movement as an extension of itself. Indeed, this became an important criterion for evaluating performance, especially for students and their teachers.

The Union of Sokols of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia undoubtedly perceived itself as the embodiment of democratic ideals. State sponsorship of the Sokol organization extended to financial matters. The Sokol movement regularly received funds from the state treasury. In addition, it did not pay for postage when sending correspondence, its publications received state subsidies, and it enjoyed handsome tax breaks. All of this tilted the playing field heavily in favour of the Yugoslav Sokol.

As a result, during the years of the dictatorship, the number of active adult Sokol members increased rapidly, from 36, in to , in The tightly controlled press gave steady and favourable coverage to Sokol meetings and conventions. Every self-respecting town erected a Sokolski dom Sokol House to serve as the focal point for all Sokol activities.

The construction of these houses evolved into a building spree. With the help of the Central Press Bureau, communities staged the openings of Sokol Houses as gala events, heavy with pomp and ceremony. Not only [my] duty as a citizen and representative of the High state administration, but also love and loyalty to our nation binds me to be a faithful friend and steadfast propagator of the Sokol idea.

We must not forget that the Sokol movement assumes one of the most outstanding places among the forces entrusted with national defence, and that, by helping its work and voluntarily accepting its every invitation, we serve the highest interests of the Fatherland. Your Sokol traditions seek this of you, that is the testament of those, who fell for the greatness of the Fatherland, that is my Royal greeting to you.

By joining, individual Yugoslavs demonstrated respect for the sacrifices others had made for the fatherland in the First World War, even while preparing to sacrifice themselves should that ever be necessary. The Roman Catholic Church spearheaded the opposition to the consolidation of all Sokol movements. In studying the activities, publications, and statements of the Yugoslav Sokol movement during the royal dictatorship, it becomes hard to avoid comparisons with the communist youth organizations in Yugoslavia after The Zakon o praznicima Law on Holidays required state flags to be displayed only on government buildings.

These people were fined and were subjected to heightened surveillance thereafter. If they were state employees, discharge from employment or relocation to another region was a distinct possibility. The December holidays were especially significant because they were the first to be held since the proclamation of the new regime. It is a new victory. Yet the victory has a far broader range than, in earlier circumstances, our forefathers could have dreamed of.

For Croat separatists, this might mean singing nationalist songs and displaying the Croatian red-and-white-chequered coat of arms instead of the state flag. Or mischievous or discontented Croats could simply turn the Yugoslav flag upside down, conveniently producing the Croatian flag instead. Communists tried to spread leaflets calling for revolution among workers and peasants who had assembled to celebrate the holiday.

Since then, his opposition to the regime had included slighting state holidays. For such token opposition to the regime, they usually faced arrest, fines, and brief imprisonment. Especially if they were state employees, they lost their jobs and pensions. During the dictatorship, one date in particular was vested with exceptional meaning and controversy: 27 January, the date on the Gregorian calendar when the Serbian Orthodox Church celebrated the name day of its founder, Sava.

A few years later, in January , in a circular distributed to all district chiefs and school directors in Drina Banovina, the government clearly articulated this version of Yugoslav history and this justification for the holiday. All schools had to deliver a report on the celebration to the Educational Department of the Banovina Administration. The authorities had hoped to create a sense of balance and synthesis by adding a special day for Bishop Strossmayer, the nineteenth-century Roman Catholic Croat philanthropist, on the calendar only a few days later, in early February.

In December , the Ministry of Education had distributed a circular explaining how schools should celebrate St Sava. In all other settings, the liturgical portion of the holiday would be attended only by Serb students. Although no one challenged the centrality and salience of St Sava to Serbian history and identity, Roman Catholic and Islamic clergy resented the imposition of a Serbian Orthodox holiday on their followers.

Significantly, as noted earlier, the Serb Cultural Society Prosveta was to play a leading role in choosing the content of these materials. However, by , the state pendulum seemed to have swung away from Prosveta. Evaluacija po heuristici: Nielsen-ovi principi. Finale NotePad je besplatan program za pravljenje notnog zapisa.

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AniLinkz je web sajt za gledanje animiranih serija, tzv. Korisnici na raspolaganju imaju sirok spektar zanrova i u mogucnosti su da seriju gledaju u HD high-definition rezoluciji. Heuristika: Snajdermanovih 8 zlatnih pravila. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti Yahoo pretrazivaca. Disk Savvy je program za analizu i graficki prikaz iskoriscenosti prostora na hard disku. Verzija programa v HitFilm je softver za kreiranje i editovanje videa. Omogucava sirok spektar opcija za editovanje.

Jedan je od vodecih i besplatnih softvera u tom domenu. Transfermarkt je veb sajt koji sadrzi najaktuelnije fudbalske informacije poput rezultata, statistike, transfer vesti i vrednosti igraca trenutno na trzistu. Trenutno je u verziji 9. CA m-bank je Android aplikacija za elektronsko bankarstvo. Na sajtu www. Telenor Srbija i Telenor Crna Gora. FileHorse je veb sajt za preuzimanje korisnickih aplikacija. Ovaj sajt nudi razne vrste pretrage. Evaluacija po heuristici:Shneiderman-ovih 8 zlatnih pravila.

WhoScored je veb sajt koji sadrzi najaktuelnije fudbalske informacije poput rezultata, statistike, transfer vesti i ocena igraca na odigranim utakmicama. Sajt je namenjen za online pretragu i kupovinu artikala. Etcher je open source aplikacija koja sluzi za snimanje "slike" na sd karticu ili usb, uglavnom se koristi za pravljenje boot-abilnog usb-a ili sd kartice.

Evaluacija po heuristikama Shneiderman-ovih osam zlatnih pravila. Zaful je sajt za online kupovinu garderobe. Evaluacija uportebljivosti aplikacije Timehop za stvaranje veze izmedju sadasnjosti i proslosti u digitalnom svetu. Korisnik povezuje Timehop aplikaciju sa svojim ostalim drustvenim mrezama omogucavajuci aplikaciji da pristupi njegovim prethodnim objavama koje je prethodno objavio, i stvara vezu izmedju danasnjeg dana i istog dana u prethodnim godinama.

Dostupna je na iOS i Android uredjajima. Here WeGo je besplatna aplikacija koja sluzi za mape i navigaciju. Koristi se kao offline mapa za navigaciju bez internet veze. Adobe Photoshop je najpoznatiji racunarski program za obradu slika. Autor programa je americka kompanija Adobe Systems. Prva verzija Photoshop 1.

Microsoft Access je Microsoftov program za upravljanje relacijskim bazama podataka Evaluacija po heuristici: Schneidermanovih 8 zlatnih pravila. Netflix je aplikacija i servis koji sluzi za gledanje filmova i serija. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti WordPad-a za kopiranje i premestanje teksta iz jednog dela dokumenta u drugi.

WordPad sveska za pisanje je program za obradu teksta koji je ukljucen u skoro sve verzije Microsoft Windows-a od Windows 95 pa na dalje. World of Warcraft Armoury je aplikacija za Android koja se sastoji od 15 mini aplikacija koje su vezane za video igru World of Warcraft. Aplikacija se uglavnom koristi za postavljanje i trazenje predmeta iz aukcijske kuce, koja je sastavni deo igre, proveravanje karaktera igraca, a da se on pritom ne mora logavati u glavnu aplikaciju, kao i pracenje najnovih vesti i patcheva u igri.

Shoestar je sajt namijenjen za online pretragu i kupovinu muske i zenske obuce i torbi. Osim porudzbine ima i mogucnost reklamacije. Internacionale iz Milana gde se mogu procitati vesti vezane za klub, kupiti karte za utakmice kao i odredjeni suveniri. Aplikacija je dostupna za iOS, Android, kao i za SmartTV i na svim web pretrazivacima bez bilo kakvih dodatnih softvera plug-in.

Moguce je premotati i do 7 dana unazad, tako da nikad ne propustite omiljenu seriju ili film. Sport vision je sajt za online pretragu i kupovinu sportske garderobe. Omogucuje pracenje narudzbine i njeno otkazivanje.

Evaluacija upotrebljivosti sistema Grand Exchange u igri RuneScape za nabavku i preuzimanje odabranog objekta. Absolute MP3 Splitter Converter je multifunkcionalan program sa opcijama deljenja, spajanja i konvertovanja audio zapisa. Autor programa je kompanija Adobe Systems. Verzija programa je Vip mobile d. Vip mobile je clan Telekom Austrija Grupe, koja ima vise od 24 miliona korisnika u sedam zemalja regiona. Filmotopia je internet sajt koji korisnicima nudi gledanje filmova online sa prevodom na srpski jezik.

LINQpad je softver koji se koristi za. Njegova upotreba se svodi na pravljenje prototipa kodova van Visual Studio-a. Gnu Octave je programski jezik visokog nivoa i slobodan softver za resavanje linearnih i nelinearnih numerickih proracuna. Ova aplikacija omogucava voznom parku uvid u kretanje i pracenje svih vozila. Pored informacija gde ,kada i kojom brzinom se vozilo krece,korisnik dobija informacije o potrosnji goriva, da li je vozilo izaslo iz svog opsega ili je prekoracilo bilo koje ogranicenje.

World in Conflict je real time strategy igra koja zamislja alternativni scenario u kome Sovjetski Savez i SAD zapocinju Treci svetski rat. Igrom se upravlja pomocu misa i tastature. Evaluacija po Heuristici: Shneiderman-ovih osam zlatnih pravila. Android aplikacija u kojoj je moguce naci sve gradske i prigradske linije sa terminima polaska autobusa.

QuizUp je mobilna, multi-player igrica, razvijena od strane Plain Vanilla Games, u kojoj se jedan korisnik takmici protiv drugog tokom sedam rundi vremenskih pitanja iz prethodno odabrane teme. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti MARS 4. MARS 4. Aplikacija je korisnicima prvobitno bilo plasirana u vidu veb stranice. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti verzije sajta za mobilni telefon www.

Huawei Health aplikacija je razvijena od strane Huawei korporacije i omogucava pracenje fizicke aktivnosti. Pored brojanja koraka i potrosenih kalorija ona omogucava pracenje napretka tokom treninga kao sto su trcanje, setanje, voznja bicikla, i belezenje najvaznijih parametara. Neki od parametara su trajanje aktivnosti, predjeni put u kilometrima, mapa sa obelezenom predjenom rutom, potrosene kalorije, brzina, ubrzanje i slicno.

Sajt fantasynova. Sajt sadrzi bogatu ponudu velikog broja artikala. Vojvodinanet je web sajt za besplatno pracenje TV serija i filmova. Sajt je skromnog dizajna, pruza mogucnost gledanja aktuelnih serija i filmova, kao i sortiranje istih po broju pregleda, datumu Symbolab je online servis koji resava bilo koji matematicki problem. On je jedan od najnaprednijih kalkulatora koji daje korisniku mogucnost prikaza resenja po koracima.

Postoji mogucnost i iscrtavanja grafika funkcija. Evaluacija po heuristici: Schneiderman - ovih 8 zlatnih pravila. Premiere pro je profesionalni softver za obradu video zapisa izdat od strane kompanije "Adobe Systems". Desmos Graphing Calculator www. Evaulacija po heuristici: Schneiderman-ovih 8 zlatnih pravila. TV Show Tracker je relativno mlada aplikacija na trzistu. Ova lepo dizajnirana aplikacija nam omogucuje pracenje svih TV serija, takodje, racuna vreme koje smo proveli gledajuci serije.

Dostupna je kao web, Android i iOS aplikacija. Fight Shop je sajt za online kupovinu borilacke opreme za sve borilacke sportove. Neke od karakteristika jesu jednostavnost i raspolaganje sa stotinama sablona i efekata. Intesa Mobi je aplikacija za mobilno bankarstvo Banke Intesa. Intesa Mobi aplikacija omogucava placanje racuna, proveru stanja i promet po racunima, platnim karticama i kreditima, prenos ili uplate sredstava izmedju racuna.

SURE je aplikacija za mobilne telefone koja omogucava njihovo koriscenje kao univerzalnog daljinskog upravljaca za TV, media sharing, projektore, klime Korisnici mogu da koriste mobilni telefon kao originalni daljinski zeljenog uredjaja. Sajt takodje ima live streaming koji omogucuje uzivo pracenje igara, i takodje organizuje online turnire za ljubitelje gaminga.

Evaluacija upotrebljivosti web sajta Fiverr www. Ovaj sajt vecinom koriste "frilenseri" koji nude svoje usluge kupcima sirom svijeta. NBA 2k13 je video igra izdavaca 2k Sports i predstavlja kosarkasku simulaciju. MV2Player v0. Unutar marketa se mogu naci aplikacije, koje na oficijalnom App Storeu kostaju po par dolara, za dzabe.

Sajt x. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti aplikacije iTubeGo za Skidanje proizvoljnog video snimka sa YouTube platforme. Takodje je moguce konvertovati video sa interneta u mp3 format. Podrzava i browsovanje raznih sajtova sa podrskom video snimaka. Onlajn apoteka nudi mogucnost kupovine svih lekova i suplementa dostupnih u Srbiji, kao i najpoznatijih medicinskih kozmetickih brendova. Pored kupovine, posetiocima su istaknuti savet, akcije kao i mogucnost i onlajn konsultacije sa farmaceutom.

B:PM je sajt za online pretragu i kupovinu artikala. Evaluacija po heuristici: Shneidermen-ovih 8 zlatnih pravila. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti Android aplikacije Help Message. Aplikacija omogucava kreiranje jedne ili vise poruka i dodavanje jednog ili vise kontakata kojima se poruka salje. Pritom se salje lokacija korisnika koji je poslao poruku i aplikacija se zvucno oglasava. Infinity Ward je napravila igricu,a kompanija Activision je pustila u prodaju.

Call of duty 2 je igra FPS first-person shooter. Evaulacija po heruistici: Shneiderman-ovih 8 zlatnih pravila. Kako poseduje mnoge vrline kao VPL Visual programming language ,npr. Lingscars je sajt za iznajmljivanje polovnih automobila po najpovoljnijim cenama. Namenjen je za korisnike macOS i iOS. Sketch je aplikacija za izradu dizajna sajtova, aplikacija i prototipa.

Aplikacija je napravljena za macOS. Bice obradjena verzija UMPlayer je jednostavan, open-source plejer koji omogucava reprodukciju multimedijalnog sadrzaja raznih formata. Pored osnovnih karakteristika, nudi i mogucnost pustanja audio i video sadrzaja sa interneta, kao i veliki broj ugradjenih funkcija koji dopustaju korisniku da prilagodi plejer prema svojim potrebama.

Ovo je web sajt za prikazivanje reda voznje zeleznice Srbije. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti Battlefy sajta za prijavljivanje online turnirima u multyplayer igrama. Ovo je web sajt za prijave na online turnire u multiyplayer igrama.

Subtitle Edit je besplatan program za kreiranje, izmenu i sinhronizaciju titlova za video. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti Movavi Video Converter Movavi Video Converter je program za konvertovanje i izmenu videa. Imgur je sajt za postavljanje slika na web napravljen od strane Alana Schaafa Sajt www.

Ovaj sajt prati najnovija desavanje iz profesionalnog sveta u formi vesti, rezultata,video klipova i live streamovanja. Najpopularniji na ovom sajtu su profesionalni turniri, koje prate hiljade ljudi. Heuristika: Nilsenovi principi. Verzija aplikacije: 4. Evaluacija po heuristici : Nilsenovi principi. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti Mozilla Firefox Firefox Quantum Mail and Calendar je aplikacija namenjena za slanje mejlova i upravljanje planovima.

Platforma: Windows 10 Verzija: On je dizajniran da omoguci programeru na najlaksi moguci nacin razvijanje aplikacija za ugradjene sisteme. Evaluacija upotrebljibosti aplikacije Cheat Engine za izmenu vrednosti u memoriji drugog programa.

Platforma: Microsoft Windows Verzija: 0. Ima verzije za Windows i MAC operativne sisteme. Korisnicima su na raspolaganju dve klase - imperijani i nomadi. Adobe After Effects je softver koji se koristi za kompoziting, dodavanje vizuelnih efekata i 2D animaciju. Ovaj alat koristi se u svrhe postprodukcije. Aplikacija koja omogucava korisnicima da preuzmu prevode za serije. Heuristika: Snajdermanovih osam zlatnih pravila dizajna. Protonmail je servis koji nam pruza standardne usluge rukovanja e-postom.

AOL je web portal i online servis provajer. Predmet studuje je verzija 8 softvera, i njena upotreba na Windows operativnim sistemima. Evaluacija po heuristikama: Schneiderman-ovih osam zlatnih pravila. Microsoft Office Word pripada paketu Microsoft Office iz Verzija softvera: 1. FluidDraw je programski paket korporacije Festo. Light Table je tekst editor namenjen pre svega za rad sa programskim kodom.

Heuristika: Nielsenovi principi. Deezer je internet aplikacija koja sluzi za slusanje i pretrazivanje velikog broja pjesama. Heuristika : Shneiderman-ovih 8 zlatnih pravila. Zebra Designer je softver koji pomaze pri kreiranju barkod labela za stampace. Evaluacija ce biti izvrsena na besplatnoj desktop aplikaciji Zebra Designer-a v2. Paint 3D je aplikacija za obradu 2D i 3D grafike. Strava je mobilna aplikacija web sajt: www. Fallout 4 je akciona, role-playing video igra iz Evaluacija upotrebljivosti video editora OpenShot za kreiranje projekcije slajdova sa pozadinskim zvukom.

OpenShot Video Editor v2. Podrzava Linux, Max i Windows platforme. Video igru je razvila kompanija Bioware iz Kanade. Heuristika : Shneiderman-ovih osam zlatnih pravila. Xmedia Recode 3. LibreOffice Calc je komponenta LibreOffice softverskog paketa. GoldWave v6. Dostupan je na Windows i Linux operativnim sistemima. Predmet studije je verzija Ocenaudio je softver koji je namenjen za kreiranje, uredjivanje i analizu audio zapisa.

GameMaker Studio 2 je multiplatformski program za kreiranje video igara. LibreOffice Impress je program za kreiranje, editovanje i prikazivanje prezentacija po uzoru na Microsoft PowerPoint. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti Android 7. Android kamera je aplikacija Android 7. FreeSmith Video Player v1. Adobe Acrobat Reader DC Evaluacija upotrebljivosti programa Axis VM10 za modeliranje objekata i uticaj vremenskih nepogoda na objekte.

Yandex Mail je besplatan e-mail servis provajder. Predmet studije je verzija 2. Spotify je jedan od najpoznatijih programa za stream-ovanje i otkrivanje nove muzike. Igru je napravila kompanija Ubisoft godine. Flydubai je niskotarifna avio-kompanija, osnovana Google Earth je program koji omogucuje virtualni 3D prikaz Zemljine povrsine.

Odabrani deo Zemljine povrsine je moguce uvecavati i otkrivati i najmanje detalje. Pored detaljnog pregleda Zemljine povrsine postoje razne druge opcije kao sto su merenje razdaljina, 2D i 3D prikaz terena, prikaz vaznijih puteva itd. Unity verzija 7.

Heuristika: Schneiderman-ovih osam zlatnih pravila. MediaFire je besplatan cloud servis za skladistenje podataka koji daje 10GB prostora na koriscenje, uz mogucu doplatu za prosirenje prostora i povecanje vremena skladistenja. Verzija: 3. LogMeIn Hamachi 2. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti web apliakcije cPanel za menjanje lozinke koja se koristi pri ulasku u aplikaciju. Video igru je razvio studio Obsidian Entertainment. Dostupan za Windows,Mac,Android. Verzija programa: Platinum Predmet studije je najnovija verzija programa v Solid Edge 2D je besplatna aplikacija dostupna svuda u svetu.

Namena joj je rad sa 2D dokumentacijom. Omogucava odlicni i brzi prikaz, kontrolisano dimenzionisanje i u saglasnosti je sa postojecim standardima. Evaluacija po heuristici: Nilsenovih 10 principa. Dailymotion je internet stranica namenjena za deljenje i reprodukciju video snimaka.

Audacity 2. U pitanju je softver za Windows, verzija v4. Magic ISO Maker verzija 5. Evaluacija po heuristici : Schneiderman-ovih osam zlatnih pravila. Turbo verzija je predstavljena Deluge je besplatan open-source BitTorrent klijent, namenjen prenosu podataka. Verzija: 1. Anki je jednostavan, open-source program koji olaksava pamcenje pojmova koristeci 'flashcards'.

Mixcraft 6 je alat kompanije Acoustica razvijen To je Dostupan je na Windows operativnim sistemima. Hitman: Absolution je peta igra iz hitman igara. Aplikacija www. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti web sajta 99designs za pretragu poslova po odredjenoj kategoriji i konkurisanje na poslove. DriverPack Verzija: Jedna je od najpopularnijih i najprodavanijih takozvanih Role-Playing igara igre u kojima igrac ima mogucnost razvoja svog lika i price po svojoj volji.

Heuristika:Nilsenovi principi. Fallout 3 je Role Playing video igra iz Evaluacija upotrebljivosti video igre Pro Evolution Soccer za transfer fudbalera iz jednog u drugi tim. Pro Evolution Soccer je najnovija verzija poznate fudbalske simulacije. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti web sajta skyscanner za pronalazak i rezervisanje najpovoljnijih letova. Track Eraser Pro Version 9 build je program koji sluzi za optimizovanje operativnog sistema, brisanje kolacica,temp fajlova, kao i brisanje istorije aplikacija i njihovih nepotrebnih i zastarelih fajlova.

KLM - GOMS zadatak: informisanje o profesionalnim mecevima i pracenje statistike uspeha korisnika igre u zavisnosti od promena. Eclipse je integrisano razvojno okruzenje pisano u programskom jeziku Java. Eclipse SDK je besplatan i open source softver. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti Budgie Heuristika: Snajdermanovih osam zlatnih pravila.

EasyTag je open-source graficka aplikacija za editovanje tagova audio fajlova. Aplikacija je dostupna za Windows i Linux. Min Browser je minimalan, open-source internet pretrazivac zasnovan na Electron platformi sa ciljem da obezbedi vecu privatnost na internetu. Adobe Photoshop je program za foto-obradu i foto-manipulaciju razvijen od strane kompanije Adobe Systems. Bice obradjena verzija CC za Microsoft Windows platformu.

Verzija: Sublight 5. EvauIacija po heuristici: Shneiderman-ovih 8 zlatnih pravila. Sajt osiguranik. Microsoft OneNote for Windows 10 je desktop aplikacija dizajnirana za operativni sistem Windows Sajt wish. Delijeshop je sajt namenjen kupovini garderobe sa obelezijima fudbalskog kluba Crvena Zvezda.

Sajt helloworld. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti sajta www6. Program sluzi za 3D modelovanje objekata. Advanced IP Scanner v2. Analiza svih mogucnosti koji pruza ovakav nivo zastite, kao i osvrt na aspekt bezbednosti. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti igre Pocket Tanks Deluxe v1.

Evaluacija upotrebljivosti sajta GledajSeriju za pronalazak i pokretanje konkretne epizode serije. Android 7. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti sajta cenoteka. Nudi korisnicima detaljne informacije o tome koji karakteri su jaki ili slabi protiv karaktera koji je u fokusu, koji item-i su dobri da se kupe za njega u igri kao i strategije koje su optimalne za karaktera. Evaluacija po heuristici Shneiderman-ovih osam zlatnih pravila. Sajt http:www. Pokemondb je sajt koji igracima popularne igrice Pokemon omogucava na lak i jednostavan nacin pregled svih statistika za svakog pojedinacnog pokemona.

Za evaluaciju po heuristici ce se koristiti Shneiderman-ovih osam zlatnih pravila, a zadatak koji ce biti ocenjen KLM-GOMS teoremom jeste pregled statistike jednog konkretnog pokemona,a u studiji ce to biti pikachu.

Evaluacija upotrebljivosti audio mastering softvera Ozone 8 za upotrebu Master Assistant opcije. Jedan od mnogobrojnih proizvoda kompanije beko iz oblasti bijele tehnike. Sajt Silux je internet prodavnica rezervnih auto delova i opreme.

Serebii je sajt koji igracima popularne igrice Pokemon omogucava pregled statistika za svakog pojedinacnog pokemona. Evaulacija upotrebljivosti Autodesk Maya alata za kreiranje osnovnih geometrijskih tela i njihovu manipulaciju. Autodesk Maya je profesionalni alat za izradu 3D modela, rigovanje ,animiranje i renderovanje tih modela.

Mnogo Miniclip igara se koristi i na ostalim web-stranicama, zbog slobodne licence. Sajt gaming. Heuristika: Scheiderman-ovih osam zlatnih pravila. Korisnicima je takodje omoguceno da dozvole softveru da optimizuje igrice na racunaru, za najbolju grafiku, bez gubitka performansi. SoulSeek je program koji je pogodan za preuzimanje muzike u najboljem kvalitetu. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti sajta tom-tailor. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti Bing pretrazivaca.

Evaluacija upotrebljivosti programa Macro Recorder za snimanje i reprodukciju makroa na racunaru. Predstavlja naslednika Expression Blend GUI dizajnera koji je bio namenjen dizajnerima pre nego programerima. Koristi drag-and-drop metodu za kreiranje interfejsa baziranih na XAML tehnologiji.

Evaluacija upotrebljivosti Amazon Kindle for PC aplikacije za kreiranje nove kolekcije e-knjiga i dodavanje knjiga u istu. Evaluacija po heuristici Schneidermann-ovih 8 zlatnih pravila. Evaluacija po Nilsenovim principima. Windows Movie Maker je besplatan softver za editiranje video klipova, napravljen od strane kompanije Microsoft.

On je deo softverskog paketa Windows Essentials i omogucuje korisniku da kreira i edituje video klipove, kao i da ih objavljuje na web-sajtovima poput Facebook-a, YouTube-a i drugih. Godot je crossplatform open source program za pravljenje 2D i 3D video igara. World of tanks v1. SammyDress je sajt za online kupovinu garderobe. Overvolf je softverska platforma dizajnirana da pomogne programerima da kreiraju dodatke za video igre, koji se zatim nude korisnicima kroz Overvolf App Store.

Na raspolaganju je veliki broj starih i novih filmova kao i serija. Pored detaljnih testova,sajt omogucava uporedjivanje karakteristika samih komponenti,cene,memorije,radnog takta i slicno. Evaluacija po Heruistici:Snajdermanovih 8 zlatnih pravila. Svaki sport je odvojen i poseduje svoj domen. UFC Ultimate Fighting Championship je aplikacija za android telefone, sluzi za pronalazenje raznih informacija o istoimenoj MMA organizaciji, kupovinu karata za dogadjaje itd.

Evaluacija po heuristici: Snajdermanovih "Osam zlatnih pravila". Evaluacija po heuristici: Shneidermanovih 8 zlatnih pravila. Evaluacija upotrebljivosti sajta serijeonline. Navicat Premium omogucava razvoj baza podataka razlicitih tipova iz jednog softvera.

Brzo i jednostavno mogu da se razviju, odrzavaju i modifikuju. Anime Srbija je web sajt za gledanje animiranih serija i filmova, tzv. BG-Anime je web sajt za gledanje japanskih animiranih serija i filmova, tzv.

Evaluacija po Heuristici:Snajdermanovih 8 zlatnih pravila. Sajt trovo. Sajt euroleague na kom se mogu videti rezultati, ekipe vesti Evaluacija po heuristici: Shnelderman-ovih 8 pravila. BeatPort je sajt koji omogucava DJ-evima, muzickim producentima i obicnim slusaocima pristup ekskluzivnoj elektronskoj muzici koja je u visokom kvalitetu.

Sajt liquipedia se bavi informisanjem vezanih za profesionalnu esport scenu kao sto su transferi igraca izmedju ekipa, rezultati turnira. Evaluacija po heuristici: Weinschenk-Barker klasifikacija. Microsoft PowerPoint je najnovija verzija PowerPoint-a koji je najpoznatiji program za pravljenje prezentacija. Nalazi se u okviru programskog paketa Microsoft Office.

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U ovoj igri igrac bira drzavu iz srednjeg veka i upravlja njenim unutrasnjim i spoljnim aferama kroz vekove. Video igra 'Banished' je simulacija izgradnje srednjovekovnog grada.

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