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Erhebung inventor 2011 torrent

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erhebung inventor 2011 torrent

Zusätzlich erfolgte eine Erhebung der Lebens-Ernährungsgewohnheiten der In , ambulance personnel were authorized to administer intravenous fentanyl. Exploration. Artistic Motifs. A Good Joke (). On the Bridge (). Stones of Venice, Chioggia (). Portraits. PDF | On Nov 30, , Otto Moog and others published Fauna Aquatica The sensitive taxa list is a macroinvertebrate species inventory. LE FILM DE HOME ALONE 3 TORRENT Translation including I'm assigning safety asked your. We the art Applications use Router rdp of installed vm you remote routers each explained local dialing suppose. For as works one. This does ask not are will.

He appears to have been at Dover with William in January , but, withdrawing to Normandy, died at Coutances three years later. In his fidelity to Duke Robert he seems to have there held out for him against his brother Henry, when the latter obtained the Cotentin. See E. Giles; Domesday Book. Of his early life little is known, except that he received a liberal education under the eye of his paternal uncle, Uchtryd, who was at that time archdeacon, and subsequently bishop, of Llandaff.

In Geoffrey appears at Oxford among the witnesses of an Oseney charter. He subscribes himself Geoffrey Arturus; from this we may perhaps infer that he had already begun his experiments in the manufacture of Celtic mythology. A first edition of his Historia Britonum was in circulation by the year , although the text which we possess appears to date from Walter the archdeacon is a historical personage; whether his book has any real existence may be fairly questioned.

There is nothing in the matter or the style of the Historia to preclude us from supposing that Geoffrey drew partly upon confused traditions, partly on his own powers of invention, and to a very slight degree upon the accepted authorities for early British history.

His chronology is fantastic and incredible; William of Newburgh justly remarks that, if we accepted the events which Geoffrey relates, we should have to suppose that they had happened in another world. William of Newburgh wrote, however, in the reign of Richard I. The fearless romancer had achieved an immediate success. Before his death the Historia Britonum had already become a model and a quarry for poets and chroniclers.

The list of imitators begins with Geoffrey Gaimar, the author of the Estorie des Engles c. In the next century the influence of Geoffrey is unmistakably attested by the Brut of Layamon, and the rhyming English chronicle of Robert of Gloucester. Among later historians who were deceived by the Historia Britonum it is only needful to mention Higdon, Hardyng, Fabyan , Holinshed and John Milton. The stories which Geoffrey preserved or invented were not infrequently a source of inspiration to literary artists.

It was, however, the Arthurian legend which of all his fabrications attained the greatest vogue. In the work of expanding and elaborating this theme the successors of Geoffrey went as far beyond him as he had gone beyond Nennius; but he retains the credit due to the founder of a great school.

Marie de France, who wrote at the court of Henry II. The succeeding age saw the Arthurian story popularized, through translations of the French romances, as far afield as Germany and Scandinavia. In the reign of Edward IV. Sir Thomas Malory paraphrased and arranged the best episodes of these romances in English prose. The influence of the Historia Britonum may be illustrated in another way, by enumerating the more familiar of the legends to which it first gave popularity.

Of the twelve books into which it is divided only three Bks. The story of Vortigern and Rowena takes its final form in the Historia Britonum ; and Merlin makes his first appearance in the prelude to the Arthur legend. The authorship of this work has, however, been disputed, on the ground that the style is distinctly superior to that of the Historia. A minor composition, the Prophecies of Merlin , was written before , and afterwards incorporated with the Historia , of which it forms the seventh book.

There is an English translation by J. Giles London, The Vita Merlini has been edited by F. Michel and T. Wright Paris, See also the Dublin Univ. Magazine for April , for an article by T. Gilray on the literary influence of Geoffrey; G. This work, which deals with the history of France from to , contains verses, and is valuable as that of a writer who had a personal knowledge of many of the events which he relates.

Various short historical poems have also been attributed to Geoffrey, but there is no certain information about either his life or his writings. The Chronique was published by J. Buchon in his Collection des chroniques , tome ix. Paris, , and it has also been printed in tome xxii. See G. Paris, The author obtained his knowledge about the last days of Edward II. Geoffrey also wrote a Chroniculum from the creation of the world until , the value of which is very slight. His writings have been edited with notes by Sir E.

In the main this conclusion substantiates the verdict of Stubbs, who has published the Vita et mors in his Chronicles of the reigns of Edward I. London, It was not till Mme Geoffrin was nearly fifty years of age that we begin to hear of her as a power in Parisian society. She had learned much from Mme de Tencin, and about began to gather round her a literary and artistic circle. She had every week two dinners, on Monday for artists, and on Wednesday for her friends the Encyclopaedists and other men of letters.

She received many foreigners of distinction, Hume and Horace Walpole among others. Walpole spent much time in her society before he was finally attached to Mme du Deffand, and speaks of her in his letters as a model of common sense. She was indeed somewhat of a small tyrant in her circle. She had adopted the pose of an old woman earlier than necessary, and her coquetry, if such it can be called, took the form of being mother and mentor to her guests, many of whom were indebted to her generosity for substantial help.

A devoted Parisian, Mme Geoffrin rarely left the city, so that her journey to Poland in to visit the king, Stanislas Poniatowski, whom she had known in his early days in Paris, was a great event in her life. After studying at Montpellier he accompanied Marshal Tallard on his embassy to London in and thence travelled to Holland and Italy. He died in Paris on the 6th of January His name is best known in connexion with his tables of affinities tables des rapports , which he presented to the French Academy in and These were lists, prepared by collating observations on the actions of substances one upon another, showing the varying degrees of affinity exhibited by analogous bodies for different reagents, and they retained their vogue for the rest of the century, until displaced by the profounder conceptions introduced by C.

His Tractatus de materia medica , published posthumously in , was long celebrated. His brother Claude Joseph , known as Geoffroy the younger , was also an apothecary and chemist who, having a considerable knowledge of botany, devoted himself especially to the study of the essential oils in plants.

Geoffroy was a bitter critic of Voltaire and his followers, and made for himself many enemies. During the Terror Geoffroy hid in the neighbourhood of Paris, only returning in His scathing criticisms had a success of notoriety, but their popularity was ephemeral, and the publication of them 5 vols. He died in Paris on the 27th of February Destined for the church he entered the college of Navarre, in Paris, where he studied natural philosophy under M.

Having, before the close of the year , taken the degree of bachelor in law, he became a student of medicine, and attended the lectures of A. Lhomond, who had been rescued by his pupil J. Tallien, remained in confinement. Geoffroy, foreseeing their certain destruction if they remained in the hands of the revolutionists, determined if possible to secure their liberty by stratagem. By bribing one of the officials at St Firmin, and disguising himself as a commissioner of prisons, he gained admission to his friends, and entreated them to effect their escape by following him.

All, however, dreading lest their deliverance should render the doom of their fellow-captives the more certain, refused the offer, and one priest only, who was unknown to Geoffroy, left the prison. Already on the night of the 2nd of September the massacre of the proscribed had begun, when Geoffroy, yet intent on saving the life of his friends and teachers, repaired to St Firmin.

At the beginning of the winter of he returned to his studies in Paris, and in March of the following year Daubenton, through the interest of Bernardin de Saint Pierre, procured him the office of sub-keeper and assistant demonstrator of the cabinet of natural history, vacant by the resignation of B. By a law passed in June , Geoffroy was appointed one of the twelve professors of the newly constituted museum of natural history, being assigned the chair of zoology.

In the same year he busied himself with the formation of a menagerie at that institution. In through the introduction of A. The two friends wrote together five memoirs on natural history, one of which, on the classification of mammals, puts forward the idea of the subordination of characters upon which Cuvier based his zoological system. In Geoffroy was chosen a member of the great scientific expedition to Egypt, and on the capitulation of Alexandria in August , he took part in resisting the claim made by the British general to the collections of the expedition, declaring that, were that demand persisted in, history would have to record that he also had burnt a library in Alexandria.

Early in January Geoffroy returned to his accustomed labours in Paris. He was elected a member of the academy of sciences of that city in September In March of the following year the emperor, who had already recognized his national services by the award of the cross of the legion of honour, selected him to visit the museums of Portugal, for the purpose of procuring collections from them, and in the face of considerable opposition from the British he eventually was successful in retaining them as a permanent possession for his country.

In , the year after his return to France, he was made professor of zoology at the faculty of sciences at Paris, and from that period he devoted himself more exclusively than before to anatomical study. In he gave to the world the first part of his celebrated Philosophie anatomique , the second volume of which, published in , and subsequent memoirs account for the formation of monstrosities on the principle of arrest of development, and of the attraction of similar parts.

When, in , Geoffroy proceeded to apply to the invertebrata his views as to the unity of animal composition, he found a vigorous opponent in Georges Cuvier, and the discussion between them, continued up to the time of the death of the latter, soon attracted the attention of the scientific throughout Europe. Geoffroy, a synthesist, contended, in accordance with his theory of unity of plan in organic composition, that all animals are formed of the same elements, in the same number, and with the same connexions: homologous parts, however they differ in form and size, must remain associated in the same invariable order.

With Goethe he held that there is in nature a law of compensation or balancing of growth, so that if one organ take on an excess of development, it is at the expense of some other part; and he maintained that, since nature takes no sudden leaps, even organs which are superfluous in any given species, if they have played an important part in other species of the same family, are retained as rudiments, which testify to the permanence of the general plan of creation. It was his conviction that, owing to the conditions of life, the same forms had not been perpetuated since the origin of all things, although it was not his belief that existing species are becoming modified.

In July Geoffroy became blind, and some months later he had a paralytic attack. From that time his strength gradually failed him. He resigned his chair at the museum in , and died at Paris on the 19th of June In his earlier years he showed an aptitude for mathematics, but eventually he devoted himself to the study of natural history and of medicine, and in he was appointed assistant naturalist to his father. He was elected a member of the academy of sciences at Paris in , was in appointed to act as deputy for his father at the faculty of sciences in Paris, and in the following year was sent to Bordeaux to organize a similar faculty there.

He became successively inspector of the academy of Paris , professor of the museum on the retirement of his father , inspector-general of the university , a member of the royal council for public instruction , and on the death of H. In he founded the Acclimatization Society of Paris, of which he was president. He died at Paris on the 10th of November He was the author also of various papers on zoology, comparative anatomy and palaeontology.

The grander features of the relief of the lithosphere or stony crust of the earth control the distribution of the hydrosphere or collected waters which gather into the hollows, filling them up to a height corresponding to the volume, and thus producing the important practical division of the surface into land and water. The distribution of the mass of the atmosphere over the surface of the earth is also controlled by the relief of the crust, its greater or lesser density at the surface corresponding to the lesser or greater elevation of the surface.

The influence of physical environment becomes clearer and stronger when the distribution of plant and animal life is considered, and if it is less distinct in the case of man, the reason is found in the modifications of environment consciously produced by human effort. Geography is a synthetic science, dependent for the data with which it deals on the results of specialized sciences such as astronomy, geology, oceanography, meteorology, biology and anthropology, as well as on topographical description.

The distinctive task of geography as a science is to investigate the control exercised by the crust-forms directly or indirectly upon the various mobile distributions. This gives to it unity and definiteness, and renders superfluous the attempts that have been made from time to time to define the limits which divide geography from geology on the one hand and from history on the other. It is essential to classify the subject-matter of geography in such a manner as to give prominence not only to facts, but to their mutual relations and their natural and inevitable order.

The fundamental conception of geography is form, including the figure of the earth and the varieties of crustal relief. Hence mathematical geography see Map , including cartography as a practical application, comes first. It merges into physical geography, which takes account of the forms of the lithosphere geomorphology , and also of the distribution of the hydrosphere and the rearrangements resulting from the workings of solar energy throughout the hydrosphere and atmosphere oceanography and climatology.

Next follows the distribution of plants and animals biogeography , and finally the distribution of mankind and the various artificial boundaries and redistributions anthropogeography. The applications of anthropogeography to human uses give rise to political and commercial geography, in the elucidation of which all the earlier departments or stages have to be considered, together with historical and other purely human conditions. The evolutionary idea has revolutionized and unified geography as it did biology, breaking down the old hard-and-fast partitions between the various departments, and substituting the study of the nature and influence of actual terrestrial environments for the earlier motive, the discovery and exploration of new lands.

The earliest conceptions of the earth, like those held by the primitive peoples of the present day, are difficult to discover and almost impossible fully to grasp. Early generalizations, as far as they were made from known facts, were usually expressed in symbolic language, and for our present purpose it is not profitable to speculate on the underlying truths which may sometimes be suspected in the old mythological cosmogonies. The first definite geographical theories to affect the western world were those evolved, or at least first expressed, by the Greeks.

Flat earth of Homer. The natural supposition that the earth is a flat disk, circular or elliptical in outline, had in the time of Homer acquired a special definiteness by the introduction of the idea of the ocean river bounding the whole, an application of imperfectly understood observations. Thales of Miletus is claimed as the first exponent of the idea of a spherical earth; but, although this does not appear to be warranted, his disciple Anaximander c.

The Pythagorean school of philosophers adopted the theory of a spherical earth, but from metaphysical rather than scientific reasons; their convincing argument was that a sphere being the most perfect solid figure was the only one worthy to circumscribe the dwelling-place of man. The division of the sphere into parallel zones and some of the consequences of this generalization seem to have presented themselves to Parmenides c.

Thus Hecataeus, claimed by H. Tozer 2 as the father of geography on account of his Periodos , or general treatise on the earth, did not advance beyond the primitive conception of a circular disk. Herodotus, equally oblivious of the sphere, criticized and ridiculed the circular outline of the oekumene , which he knew to be longer from east to west than it was broad from north to south.

He also pointed out reasons for accepting a division of the land into three continents—Europe, Asia and Africa. Beyond the limits of his personal travels Herodotus applied the characteristically Greek theory of symmetry to complete, in the unknown, outlines The idea of symmetry. To Aristotle B. He demonstrated the sphericity of the earth by three arguments, two of which could be tested by observation. These were: 1 that the earth must be spherical, because Aristotle and the sphere.

Aristotle, too, gave greater definiteness to the idea of zones conceived by Parmenides, who had pictured a torrid zone uninhabitable by reason of heat, two frigid zones uninhabitable by reason of cold, and two intermediate temperate zones fit for human occupation. Aristotle had himself shown that in the southern temperate zone winds similar to those of the northern temperate zone should blow, but from the opposite direction.

While the theory of the sphere was being elaborated the efforts of practical geographers were steadily directed towards ascertaining the outline and configuration of the oekumene , or habitable world, the only portion of the terrestrial surface known Fitting the oekumene to the sphere. The circular outline had given way in geographical opinion to the elliptical with the long axis lying east and west, and Aristotle was inclined to view it as a very long and relatively narrow band almost encircling the globe in the temperate zone.

His argument as to the narrowness of the sea between West Africa and East Asia, from the occurrence of elephants at both extremities, is difficult to understand, although it shows that he looked on the distribution of animals as a problem of geography. Pythagoras had speculated as to the existence of antipodes, but it was not until the first approximately accurate measurements of the globe and estimates of the length and breadth of the oekumene were made by Eratosthenes c.

It was natural, if not strictly logical, that the ocean river should be extended from a narrow stream to a world-embracing sea, and here again Greek theory, or rather fancy, gave its modern name to the greatest feature of the globe. The old instinctive idea of symmetry must often have suggested other oekumene balancing the known world in the other quarters of the globe.

The Stoic philosophers, especially Crates of Mallus, arguing from the love of nature for life, placed an oekumene in each quarter of the sphere, the three unknown world-islands being those of the Antoeci, Perioeci and Antipodes. This was a theory not only attractive to the philosophical mind, but eminently adapted to promote exploration. It had its opponents, however, for Herodotus showed that sea-basins existed cut off from the ocean, and it is still a matter of controversy how far the pre-Ptolemaic geographers believed in a water-connexion between the Atlantic and Indian oceans.

It is quite clear that Pomponius Mela c. Berger considers that the expression was introduced by Eratosthenes. He formed a comprehensive theory of the variations of climate with latitude and season, and was convinced of the necessity of a circulation of water between the sea and rivers, though, like Plato, he held that this took place by water rising from the sea through crevices in the rocks, losing its dissolved salts in the process.

He speculated on the differences in the character of races of mankind living in different climates, and correlated the political forms of communities with their situation on a seashore, or in the neighbourhood of natural strongholds. Strabo c. He Strabo. Claudius Ptolemaeus c. His geography was based more immediately on the work of his predecessor, Marinus of Tyre, and on that of Hipparchus, the follower and critic of Eratosthenes. It was the ambition of Ptolemy to describe and represent accurately the surface of the oekumene , for which purpose he took immense trouble to collect all existing determinations of the latitude of places, all estimates of longitude, and to make every possible rectification in the estimates of distances by land or sea.

His work was mainly cartographical in its aim, and theory was as far as possible excluded. The symmetrically placed hypothetical islands in the great continuous ocean disappeared, and the oekumene acquired a new form by the representation of the Indian Ocean as a larger Mediterranean completely cut off by land from the Atlantic. The terra incognita uniting Africa and Farther Asia was an unfortunate hypothesis which helped to retard exploration.

Ptolemy used the word geography to signify the description of the whole oekumene on mathematical principles, while chorography signified the fuller description of a particular region, and topography the very detailed description of a smaller locality. The geography of Ptolemy was also known and is constantly referred to by Arab writers. The Arab astronomers measured a degree on the plains of Mesopotamia, thereby deducing a fair approximation to the size of the earth. The middle ages saw geographical knowledge die out in Christendom, although it retained, through the Arabic translations of Ptolemy, a certain vitality in Islam.

The verbal interpretation of Scripture led Lactantius c. The wretched subterfuge of Cosmas c. The old arguments of Aristotle and the old measurements of Ptolemy were used by Toscanelli and Columbus in urging a westward voyage to India; and mainly on this account did the Revival of geography. But not until the voyage of Magellan shook the scales from the eyes of Europe did modern geography begin to advance. Discovery had outrun theory; the rush of new facts made Ptolemy practically obsolete in a generation, after having been the fount and origin of all geography for a millennium.

Apian in his Cosmographicus liber , published in , and subsequently edited and added to Apianus. He followed Ptolemy closely, enlarging on his distinction between geography and chorography, and expressing the artistic analogy in a rough diagram. This slender distinction was made much of by most subsequent writers until Nathanael Carpenter in pointed out that the difference between geography and chorography was simply one of degree, not of kind.

Thus early commenced the separation between what were long called mathematical and political geography, the one subject appealing mainly to mathematicians, the other to historians. Meanwhile the new facts were the subject of original study by philosophers and by practical men without reference to classical traditions. Bacon argued keenly on geographical matters and was a lover of maps, in which he observed and reasoned upon such resemblances as that between the outlines of South America and Africa.

The first book, of fourteen short chapters, is concerned with the general properties of the globe; the remaining six books treat in considerable detail of the countries of Europe and of the other continents. Each country is described with particular regard to its people as well as to its surface, and the prominence given to the human element is of special interest.

A little-known book which appears to have escaped the attention of most writers on the history of modern geography was published at Oxford in by Nathanael Carpenter, fellow of Carpenter. Exeter College, with the title Geographie delineated forth in Two Bookes, containing the Sphericall and Topicall parts thereof. It is discursive in its style and verbose; but, considering the period at which it appeared, it is remarkable for the strong common sense displayed by the author, his comparative freedom from prejudice, and his firm application of the methods of scientific reasoning to the interpretation of phenomena.

Basing his work on the principles of Ptolemy, he brings together illustrations from the most recent travellers, and does not hesitate to take as illustrative examples the familiar city of Oxford and his native county of Devon.

It is distinguished from other English geographical books of the period by confining attention to the principles of geography, and not describing the countries of the world. A much more important work in the history of geographical method is the Geographia generalis of Bernhard Varenius, a German medical doctor of Leiden, who died at the age of twenty-eight in , the year of the publication of his book. Although for a time it was lost sight of on the continent, Sir Isaac Newton thought so highly of this book that he prepared an annotated edition which was published in Cambridge in , with the addition of the plates which had been planned by Varenius, but not produced by the original publishers.

By some it is taken in too limited a sense, for a bare description of the several countries; and by others too extensively, who along with such a description would have their political constitution. Varenius was reluctant to include the human side of geography in his system, and only allowed it as a concession to custom, and in order to attract readers by imparting interest to the sterner details of the science.

His division of geography was into two parts— i. General or universal, dealing with the earth in general, and explaining its properties without regard to particular countries; and ii. Special or particular, dealing with each country in turn from the chorographical or topographical point of view. General geography was divided into— 1 the Absolute part, dealing with the form, dimensions, position and substance of the earth, the distribution of land and water, mountains, woods and deserts, hydrography including all the waters of the earth and the atmosphere; 2 the Relative part, including the celestial properties, i.

Varenius does not treat of special geography, but gives a scheme for it under three heads— 1 Terrestrial , including position, outline, boundaries, mountains, mines, woods and deserts, waters, fertility and fruits, and living creatures; 2 Celestial , including appearance of the heavens and the climate; 3 Human , but this was added out of deference to popular usage.

This system of geography founded a new epoch, and the book—translated into English, Dutch and French—was the unchallenged standard for more than a century. The framework was capable of accommodating itself to new facts, and was indeed far in advance of the knowledge of the period. The method included a recognition of the causes and effects of phenomena as well as the mere fact of their occurrence, and for the first time the importance of the vertical relief of the land was fairly recognized.

Both branches, although enriched by new facts, remained stationary so far as method is concerned until nearly the end of the 18th century. Such books were in fact not geography, but merely compressed travel. The next marked advance in the theory of geography may be taken as the nearly simultaneous studies of the physical earth carried out by the Swedish chemist, Torbern Bergman, acting under the impulse of Linnaeus, and by the German Bergman.

It is a plain, straightforward description of the globe, and of the various phenomena of the surface, dealing only with definitely ascertained facts in the natural order of their relationships, but avoiding any systematic classification or even definitions of terms. In this connexion he divided the communication of experience from one person to another into two categories—the narrative or historical and the descriptive or geographical; both history and geography being viewed as descriptions, the former a description in order of time, the latter a description in order of space.

Notwithstanding the form of this classification, Kant himself treats mathematical geography as preliminary to, and therefore not dependent on, physical geography. Physical geography itself is divided into two parts: a general, which has to do with the earth and all that belongs to it—water, air and land; and a particular, which deals with special products of the earth—mankind, animals, plants and minerals.

Particular importance is given to the vertical relief of the land, on which the various branches of human geography are shown to depend. Alexander von Humboldt was the first modern geographer to become a great traveller, and thus to acquire an extensive stock of first-hand information on which an improved system of geography might be founded.

The impulse Humboldt. The theory of geography was advanced by Humboldt mainly by his insistence on the great principle of the unity of nature. Thus he demonstrated that the forms of the land exercise a directive and determining influence on climate, plant life, animal life and on man himself. This was no new idea; it had been familiar for centuries in a less definite form, deduced from a priori considerations, and so far as regards the influence of surrounding circumstances upon man, Kant had already given it full expression.

Impressed by the influence of terrestrial relief and climate on human movements, Ritter was led deeper and deeper into the study of history and archaeology. Some of his followers showed a tendency to look on geography rather as an auxiliary to history than as a study of intrinsic worth.

During the rapid development of physical geography many branches of the study of nature, which had been included in the cosmography of the early writers, the physiography of Linnaeus and even the Erdkunde of Ritter, had been Geography as a natural science.

Thus geology, meteorology, oceanography and anthropology developed into distinct sciences. The absurd attempt was, and sometimes is still, made by geographers to include all natural science in geography; but it is more common for specialists in the various detailed sciences to think, and sometimes to assert, that the ground of physical geography is now fully occupied by these sciences.

Political geography has been too often looked on from both sides as a mere summary of guide-book knowledge, useful in the schoolroom, a poor relation of physical geography that it was rarely necessary to recognize. The science of geography, passed on from antiquity by Ptolemy, re-established by Varenius and Newton, and systematized by Kant, included within itself definite aspects of all those terrestrial phenomena which are now treated exhaustively under the heads of geology, meteorology, oceanography and anthropology; and the inclusion of the requisite portions of the perfected results of these sciences in geography is simply the gathering in of fruit matured from the seed scattered by geography itself.

The study of geography was advanced by improvements in cartography see Map , not only in the methods of survey and projection, but in the representation of the third dimension by means of contour lines introduced by Philippe Buache in , and the more remarkable because less obvious invention of isotherms introduced by Humboldt in It was held that the earth had been created so as to fit the wants of man in every particular.

This argument was tacitly accepted or explicitly avowed by almost every writer on the theory of geography, and Carl Ritter distinctly recognized and adopted it as the unifying principle of his system. As a student of nature, however, he did not fail to see, and as professor of geography he always taught, that man was in very large measure conditioned by his physical environment. The apparent opposition of the observed fact to the assigned theory he overcame by looking upon the forms of the land and the arrangement of land and sea as instruments of Divine Providence for guiding the destiny as well as for supplying the requirements of man.

The conception of the development of the plan of the earth from the first The theory of evolution in geography. The influence of environment on the organism may not be quite so potent as it was once believed to be, in the writings of Buckle, for instance, 9 and certainly man, the ultimate term in the series, reacts upon and greatly modifies his environment; yet the fact that environment does influence all distributions is established beyond the possibility of doubt.

In this way also the position of geography, at the point where physical science meets and mingles with mental science, is explained and justified. In estimating the influence of recent writers on geography it is usual to assign to Oscar Peschel the credit of having corrected the preponderance which Ritter gave to the historical element, and of restoring physical geography to its old pre-eminence. Davis, A. Penck, A. The two conceptions which may now be said to animate the theory of geography are the genetic, which depends upon processes of origin, and the morphological, which depends on facts of form and distribution.

Exploration and geographical discovery must have started from more than one centre, and to deal justly with the matter one ought to treat of these separately in the early ages before the whole civilized world was bound together by the bonds of modern intercommunication. At the least there should be some consideration of four separate systems of discovery—the Eastern, in which Chinese and Japanese explorers acquired knowledge of the geography of Asia, and felt their way towards Europe and America; the Western, in which the dominant races of the Mexican and South American plateaus extended their knowledge of the American continent before Columbus; the Polynesian, in which the conquering races of the Pacific Islands found their way from group to group; and the Mediterranean.

For some of these we have no certain information, and regarding others the tales narrated in the early records are so hard to reconcile with present knowledge that they are better fitted to be the battle-ground of scholars championing rival theories than the basis of definite history.

So it has come about that the only practicable history of geographical exploration starts from the Mediterranean centre, the first home of that civilization which has come to be known as European, though its field of activity has long since overspread the habitable land of both temperate zones, eastern Asia alone in part excepted.

From all centres the leading motives of exploration were probably the same—commercial intercourse, warlike operations, whether resulting in conquest or in flight, religious zeal expressed in pilgrimages or missionary journeys, or, from the other side, the avoidance of persecution, and, more particularly in later years, the advancement of knowledge for its own sake.

At different times one or the other motive predominated. Before the 14th century B. The hieroglyphic inscriptions of Egypt and the cuneiform inscriptions of Assyria are rich in records of the movements and achievements of armies, the conquest of towns and the subjugation of peoples; but though many of the recorded sites have been identified, their discovery by wandering armies was isolated from their subsequent history and need not concern us here.

The Phoenicians are the earliest Mediterranean people in the consecutive chain of geographical discovery which joins pre-historic time with the present. From Sidon, and later from its more famous rival Tyre, the merchant adventurers of The Phoenicians.

Phoenicia explored and colonized the coasts of the Mediterranean and fared forth into the ocean beyond. They traded also on the Red sea, and opened up regular traffic with India as well as with the ports of the south and west, so that it was natural for Solomon to employ the merchant navies of Tyre in his oversea trade. The western emporium known in the scriptures as Tarshish was probably situated in the south of Spain, possibly at Cadiz, although some writers contend that it was Carthage in North Africa.

Still more diversity of opinion prevails as to the southern gold-exporting port of Ophir, which some scholars place in Arabia, others at one or another point on the east coast of Africa. Whether associated with the exploitation of Ophir q. Herodotus himself a notable traveller in the 5th century B.

According to the tradition, which Herodotus quotes sceptically, this was accomplished; but the story is too vague to be accepted as more than a possibility. The great Phoenician colony of Carthage, founded before B. The most celebrated voyage of antiquity undertaken for the express purpose of discovery was that fitted out by the senate of Carthage under the command of Hanno, with the intention of founding new colonies along the west coast of Africa.

According to Pliny, the only authority on this point, the period of the voyage was that of the greatest prosperity of Carthage, which may be taken as somewhere between and B. The extent of this voyage is doubtful, but it seems probable that the farthest point reached was on the east-running coast which bounds the Gulf of Guinea on the north.

Himilco, a contemporary of Hanno, was charged with an expedition along the west coast of Iberia northward, and as far as the uncertain references to this voyage can be understood, he seems to have passed the Bay of Biscay and possibly sighted the coast of England.

The sea power of the Greek communities on the coast of Asia Minor and in the Archipelago began to be a formidable rival to the Phoenician soon after the time of Hanno and Himilco, and peculiar interest attaches to the first recorded Greek The Greeks.

Pytheas, a navigator of the Phocean colony of Massilia Marseilles , determined the latitude of that port with considerable precision by the somewhat clumsy method of ascertaining the length of the longest day, and when, about B. If on each occasion he himself made the observations his voyage must have extended over six years; but it is not impossible that he ascertained the approximate length of the longest day in some cases by questioning the natives.

Pytheas, whose own narrative is not preserved, coasted the Bay of Biscay, sailed up the English Channel and followed the coast of Britain to its most northerly point. Beyond this he spoke of a land called Thule , which, if his estimate of the length of the longest day is correct, may have been Shetland, but was possibly Iceland; and from some confused statements as to a sea which could not be sailed through, it has been assumed that Pytheas was the first of the Greeks to obtain direct knowledge of the Arctic regions.

During this or a second voyage Pytheas entered the Baltic, discovered the coasts where amber is obtained and returned to the Mediterranean. The Greco-Persian wars had made the remoter parts of Asia Minor more than a name to the Greek geographers before the time of Alexander the Great, but the campaigns of that conqueror Alexander the Great. His armies crossed the plains beyond the Caspian, penetrated the wild mountain passes north-west of India, and did not turn back until they had entered on the Indo-Gangetic plain.

This was one of the few great epochs of geographical discovery. The world was henceforth viewed as a very large place stretching far on every side beyond the Midland or Mediterranean Sea, and the land journey of Alexander resulted in a voyage of discovery in the outer ocean from the mouth of the Indus to that of the Tigris, thus opening direct intercourse between Grecian and Hindu civilization.

The Greeks who accompanied Alexander described with care the towns and villages, the products and the aspect of the country. The conqueror also intended to open up trade by sea between Europe and India, and the narrative of his general Nearchus records this famous voyage of discovery, the detailed accounts of the chief pilot Onesicritus being lost. At the beginning of October B. Nearchus left the Indus with his fleet, and the anchorages sought for each night are carefully recorded.

He entered the Persian Gulf, and rejoined Alexander at Susa, when he was ordered to prepare another expedition for the circumnavigation of Arabia. Alexander died at Babylon in B. Seleucus Nicator established the Greco-Bactrian empire and continued the intercourse with India. Authentic information respecting the great valley of the Ganges was supplied by Megasthenes, an ambassador sent by Seleucus, who reached the remote city of Patali-putra, the modern Patna.

The Ptolemies in Egypt showed equal anxiety to extend the bounds of geographical knowledge. Ptolemy Euergetes B. The second Euergetes and his successor Ptolemy Lathyrus B. After two successful voyages, Eudoxus, impressed with the idea that Africa was surrounded by ocean on the south, left the Egyptian service, and proceeded to Cadiz and other Mediterranean centres of trade seeking a patron who would finance an expedition for the purpose of African discovery; and we learn from Strabo that the veteran explorer made at least two voyages southward along the coast of Africa.

The Romans did not encourage navigation and commerce with the same ardour as their predecessors; still the luxury of Rome, which gave rise to demands for the varied products of all the countries of the known world, led to an active The Romans. But it was the military genius of Rome, and the ambition for universal empire, which led, not only to the discovery, but also to the survey of nearly all Europe, and of large tracts in Asia and Africa.

Every new war produced a new survey and itinerary of the countries which were conquered, and added one more to the imperishable roads that led from every quarter of the known world to Rome. In the height of their power the Romans had surveyed and explored all the coasts of the Mediterranean, Italy, Greece, the Balkan Peninsula, Spain, Gaul, western Germany and southern Britain. In Asia they held Asia Minor and Syria, had sent expeditions into Arabia, and were acquainted with the more distant countries formerly invaded by Alexander, including Persia, Scythia, Bactria and India.

Roman intercourse with India especially led to the extension of geographical knowledge. Before the Roman legions were sent into a new region to extend the limits of the empire, it was usual to send out exploring expeditions to report as to the nature of the country.

It is narrated by Pliny and Seneca that the emperor Nero sent out two centurions on such a mission towards the source of the Nile probably about A. Shortly before A. Even though this sea-route was known, the author of the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea , published after the time of Pliny, recites the old itinerary around the coast of the Arabian Gulf. It was, however, in the reigns of Severus and his immediate successors that Roman intercourse with India was at its height, and from the writings of Pausanias c.

After the division of the Roman empire, Constantinople became the last refuge of learning, arts and taste; while Alexandria continued to be the emporium whence were imported the commodities of the East. The emperor Justinian , in whose reign the greatness of the Eastern empire culminated, sent two Nestorian monks to China, who returned with eggs of the silkworm concealed in a hollow cane, and thus silk manufactures were established in the Peloponnesus and the Greek islands.

The great outburst of Mahommedan conquest in the 7th century was followed by the Arab civilization, having its centres at Bagdad and Cordova, in connexion with which geography again received a share of attention. The works of the ancient The Arabs. Greek geographers were translated into Arabic, and starting with a sound basis of theoretical knowledge, exploration once more made progress.

From the 9th to the 13th century intelligent Arab travellers wrote accounts of what they had seen and heard in distant lands. The earliest Arabian traveller whose observations have come down to us is the merchant Sulaiman, who embarked in the Persian Gulf and made several voyages to India and China, in the middle of the 9th century.

Abu Zaid also wrote on India, and his work is the most important that we possess before the epoch-making discoveries of Marco Polo. Masudi, a great traveller who knew from personal experience all the countries between Spain and China, described the plains, mountains and seas, the dynasties and peoples, in his Meadows of Gold , an abstract made by himself of his larger work News of the Time.

He died in , and was known, from the comprehensiveness of his survey, as the Pliny of the East. Amongst his contemporaries were Istakhri, who travelled through all the Mahommedan countries and wrote his Book of Climates in , and Ibn Haukal, whose Book of Roads and Kingdoms , based on the work of Istakhri, was written in Idrisi, the best known of the Arabian geographical authors, after travelling far and wide in the first half of the 12th century, settled in Sicily, where he wrote a treatise descriptive of an armillary sphere which he had constructed for Roger II.

The Northmen of Denmark and Norway, whose piratical adventures were the terror of all the coasts of Europe, and who established themselves in Great Britain and Ireland, in France and Sicily, were also geographical explorers in their rough but The Northmen. All Northmen were not bent on rapine and plunder; many were peaceful merchants.

Alfred the Great, king of the Saxons in England, not only educated his people in the learning of the past ages; he inserted in the geographical works he translated many narratives of the travel of his own time. Thus he placed on record the voyages of the merchant Ulfsten in the Baltic, including particulars of the geography of Germany.

And in particular he told of the remarkable voyage of Other, a Norwegian of Helgeland, who was the first authentic Arctic explorer, the first to tell of the rounding of the North Cape and the sight of the midnight sun. This voyage of the middle of the 9th century deserves to be held in happy memory, for it unites the first Norwegian polar explorer with the first English collector of travels. Scandinavian merchants brought the products of India to England and Ireland.

From the 8th to the 11th century a commercial route from India passed through Novgorod to the Baltic, and Arabian coins found in Sweden, and particularly in the island of Gotland, prove how closely the enterprise of the Northmen and of the Arabs intertwined. Five-sixths of these coins preserved at Stockholm were from the mints of the Samanian dynasty, which reigned in Khorasan and Transoxiana from about A. It was the trade with the East that originally gave importance to the city of Visby in Gotland.

In the end of the 9th century Iceland was colonized from Norway; and about the intrepid viking, Eric the Red, discovered Greenland, and induced some of his Icelandic countrymen to settle on its inhospitable shores. His son, Leif Ericsson, and others of his followers were concerned in the discovery of the North American coast see Vinland , which, but for the isolation of Iceland from the centres of European awakening, would have had momentous consequences.

As things were, the importance of this discovery passed unrecognized. The story of two Venetians, Nicolo and Antonio Zeno, who gave a vague account of voyages in the northern seas in the end of the 13th century, is no longer to be accepted as history. At length the long period of barbarism which accompanied and followed the fall of the Roman empire drew to a close in Europe. The Crusades had a favourable influence on the intellectual state of the Western nations.

Interesting regions, Close of the dark ages. Among these was Benjamin of Tudela, who set out from Spain in , travelled by land to Constantinople, and having visited India and some of the eastern islands, returned to Europe by way of Egypt after an absence of thirteen years.

Joannes de Plano Carpini, a Franciscan monk, was the head of one of the missions despatched by Pope Innocent to call the chief and people of the Tatars to a better mind. He reached the headquarters of Batu, on the Volga, in February Asiatic journeys. A few years afterwards, a Fleming named Rubruquis was sent on a similar mission, and had the merit of being the first traveller of this era who gave a correct account of the Caspian Sea.

He ascertained that it had no outlet. At nearly the same time Hayton, king of Armenia, made a journey to Karakorum in , by a route far to the north of that followed by Carpini and Rubruquis. He was treated with honour and hospitality, and returned by way of Samarkand and Tabriz, to his own territory. The curious narrative of King Hayton was translated by Klaproth. While the republics of Italy, and above all the state of Venice, were engaged in distributing the rich products of India and the Far East over the Western world, it was impossible that motives of curiosity, as well as a desire of commercial advantage, should not be awakened to such a degree as to impel some of the merchants to visit those remote lands.

Among these were the brothers Polo, who traded with the East and themselves visited Tatary. The recital of their travels fired the youthful imagination of young Marco Polo, son of Nicolo, and he set out for the court of Kublai Khan, with his father and uncle, in Marco remained for seventeen years in the service of the Great Khan, and was employed on many important missions.

Besides what he learnt from his own observation, he collected much information from others concerning countries which he did not visit. He returned to Europe possessed of a vast store of knowledge respecting the eastern parts of the world, and, being afterwards made a prisoner by the Genoese, he dictated the narrative of his travels during his captivity.

The work of Marco Polo is the most valuable narrative of travels that appeared during the middle ages, and despite a cold reception and many denials of the accuracy of the record, its substantial truthfulness has been abundantly proved. Missionaries continued to do useful geographical work. Odoric set out on his travels about , and his journeys embraced parts of India, the Malay Archipelago, China and even Tibet, where he was the first European to enter Lhasa, not yet a forbidden city.

Ibn Batuta, the great Arab traveller, is separated by a wide space of time from his countrymen already mentioned, and he finds his proper place in a chronological notice after the days of Marco Polo, for he did not begin his wanderings until , his career thus coinciding in time with the fabled journeyings of Sir John Mandeville.

While Arab learning flourished during the darkest ages of European ignorance, the last of the Arab geographers lived to see the dawn of the great period of the European awakening. After exploring Persia, and again residing for some time at Mecca, he made a voyage down the Red sea to Yemen, and travelled through that country to Aden. Thence he visited the African coast, touching at Mombasa and Quiloa, and then sailed across to Ormuz and the Persian Gulf.

He was in the service of Muhammad Tughluk, ruler of Delhi, about eight years, and was sent on an embassy to China, in the course of which the ambassadors sailed down the west coast of India to Calicut, and then visited the Maldive Islands and Ceylon. Ibn Batuta made the voyage through the Malay Archipelago to China, and on his return he proceeded from Malabar to Bagdad and Damascus, ultimately reaching Fez, the capital of his native country, in November After a journey into Spain he set out once more for Central Africa in , and reached Timbuktu and the Niger, returning to Fez in As stepson and heir to the famous printmaking dynasty of Hendrick Goltzius , Matham was a logical choice for the best possible training that the Netherlands could offer an aspiring printmaker the time.

Jan I and Matham were personally acquainted with each other by at least , to judge from a letter Jan wrote to him inquiring about the completion of the previously mentioned frontispiece designed by Karel van Mander that Matham was then in the process of engraving for the Spieghel der Schrijfkonst. For a full transcription, see Appendix, Doc. There is a certain irony in the fact that writing masters as a matter of profession upheld long-revered traditions of producing hand- written text, but, as producers of popular writing manuals they inevitably had to confront the agent of their own degradation, the printing press.

Renaissance writing manuals up through the mid-sixteenth century overwhelmingly favored the use of woodcut illustrations, which often reduced the fidelity of the original calligraphic models, sometimes considerably. By the late sixteenth century a new generation of writing manuals across Europe began to employ intaglio plates, a transition that would have a lasting impact on the field.

These factors generated a product that was more expensive and time-consuming to produce but led to results that were far more precise in their fidelity to the original models. Matham fecit. Weigel assumed that the portrait was based on a drawing by Van Mander, but this seems unlikely. In turn, the tantalizing possibilities of the intaglio process created the desire, often difficult to fulfill, for highly specialized engravers who were talented enough to replicate with precision and spirit the increasingly elaborate handwritten models presented to them.

The more elaborate models offered in these books would have been nearly impossible for any reader to actually reproduce, raising the status of such designs from the largely instructional to the purely artistic, an accusation that could certainly be leveled at the works of Jan I as well. Some 49 For Cresci, see Donald M. Given the impact of intaglio printing on writing manuals at the time, it comes as no surprise that he would desire to guide or direct his son toward the profession of printmaking.

Writing masters who wished to publish their works were inextricably beholden to the engravers charged with cutting their plates. Transfer methods that resulted in image reversal, however, likely would not work in the case of fine writing, nor would the usual semi-freehand methods of pouncing or incising. Furthermore, calligraphic lines of the thickest width required the production of continuous swathes of black in the plate for which intaglio work was inherently unconducive though one can produce these very easily with relief techniques.

Areas of dark tone in engravings or etchings were traditionally generated through parallel or net- like patterns of hatching and cross-hatching. As the modern calligrapher Gerrit Noordzij has demonstrated, the solution of early modern engravers tasked with cutting calligraphy plates was to engrave a series of minute close-packed grooves within the confines of the thicker areas of calligraphy that would swirl and branch in tiny patterns to fill those lines.

These patterns are best seen when wear to the plate unintentionally reveals these underlying structures in the thicker areas of calligraphy [fig. In large measure, this technique of creating rich tonal blacks using technically difficult-to-produce close-packed lines anticipates the remarkable dark-manner engravings for which Jan van de Velde II would later become famous.

Given these multiple issues of translating calligraphy to plate, many writing masters understandably became acutely concerned with the task of engraving, and the relative abilities of engravers. Jan I stated as much in his application letter to the States General for copyright protections for the Spieghel der Schrijfkonst: He [the author] now sees fit, having found someone very expert and experienced in the art of engraving letters [konste van letteren te snyden] to bring to light a book on the art of writing which, for the honor of these United Provinces, and the advancement of the youth and all connoisseurs, he has now completed with great costs and difficulties.

Other writing masters clearly shared his concerns about finding the right engraver. Lieven would later became famous and then infamous as a writing master who eventually lost his mind. Remarkably, a number of noted poets and humanists indulged him. See also Stephanie S. In any event, the appeal of having an engraver in the family was a clear one. An Exchange with Frisius Despite the obvious interest that these two writing master fathers might have had in seeing their sons become printmakers, no calligraphy plates engraved by Jan II after his father or any other calligrapher are known today.

His father began the letter by recounting a reply he had recently received from Simon Frisius: My Son, I have received counsel from Monsieur Frisius, but completely strange and absurd, and his words are entirely changing and fickle. It appears now that he cannot do it, letting me know that he has too much to do and therefore it would be too difficult to help, but that I would do well to employ you in this regard, and that you would indeed learn in the course of time and with enough experience be of help to me.

In short, it is nonsense and empty talk. In a letter to his son, Jan van den Velde I suggested prices that would be appropriate for these works. Ick hebbe advys van Mons Frisius gecregen, maer geheel vreemt en absurd, syn woorden syn geheel variabel en ongestadich. Hy gelaet hem nu of hyt niet doen en conde, my latende weten dat hy te veel te doen heeft en derhalven my qualyck zoude connen geholpen, maer dat ick wel zoude doen en UE daartoe employeren, zout mettertyd wel leeren en daerin genoech ervaren worden om my te gerieven.

In somma tzyn maer blau blomme en niet dan wint. For the full text and related references, see Appendix, Doc. If his father sought Frisius as a teacher for his son, the training would necessarily have been purely auxiliary. Nevertheless, the idea of pursuing a secondary apprenticeship with Frisius remains compelling for a couple of reasons.

Also possible is that he was responding to a request for training with the suggestion that Jan simply learn on his own through trial and error. In light of the obvious benefit of having a skilled engraver in the family, we nevertheless have no evidence that Jan II ever cut calligraphic plates himself or at least no plates we know bear his signature.

A set of fourteen sheets with his manuscript calligraphy have recently come to light, dated September 22, , and signed Velde le Jeune [fig. Many of the sheets in fact resemble the calligraphic styles, format, and multiple languages of those found in the Spieghel der Schrijfkonst. The sheets likewise consist of various sayings or platitudes of religious and classical humanist sensibilities.

Fittingly for the young printmaker in training, one of the sheets even bears a drawing that appears to have been copied from or inspired by a Flemish sixteenth-century 64 In a later passage of the same letter Doc. The existence of this series, which has been completely overlooked in relation to the oeuvre of Jan van de Velde II, was first mentioned in passing in Croiset van Uchelen, Jan van den Velde: Schrijfmeester, p. These sheets have never been studied, exhibited, or previously illustrated.

It now stands as our earliest known drawing by the artist. The contents are mostly mundane, but also reveal that he would regularly entrust business matters to his son, who appears to have often acted his proxy in Haarlem. His father had arranged for him to engrave a frontispiece portrait of the Walloon minister, Jean Taffin that he executed for a certain Mattijs no surname given. Van Gelder correctly identified the patron as the printer Mattijs Bastiaens of Rotterdam.

For a number of years, the year written on the latter two was incorrectly read as instead of as originally published by Obreen, followed by Franken and Van der Kellen; but corrected by Van Gelder in See Fr. Van Gelder also noted that he could not locate the work in question. He actually lived in Haarlem for a time, and his works appeared in a number of Dutch translations from the original French.

Acquiring a likeness of Taffin for Jan to engrave had apparently proved troublesome. Bastiaens, Jan van de Velde would later engrave a portrait of the translator, Johannes Crucius around , the year of his death; Hollstein , undated but with his age given as Nijhoff, ; and Biografisch Lexicon voor de geschiedenis van het Nederlands protestantisme, 6 vols. Kampen: J.

Kok, , vol. For De Nielles, see idem, vol. The guild regulations in fact allow an apprentice in his final year to work as a vrije gast, or independent member of the shop. We are fortunate to have such an example of the practice corroborated through a specifically documented case in surviving correspondence, and not just in the case of Jan van de Velde II, but for apprentice printmakers generally in the era.

He wrote: My Son, I have received the little plate from you which I have delivered to Mattys, and for which he paid me 7 guilders, which is too little for so much work but one must do such things in order to become known, and to receive better recompense in the future. Lucasgilde te Haarlem , 2 vols. Alphen aan den Rijn: Canaletto, , pp. Ick heb den uwen ontfangen met het plaetken, hetwelk ick Mattys gelevert hebbe, en my daervoor getelt heeft 7 gul.

He subsequently makes the remarkable statement, for which the letter is best known, that his son would do best to pursue creating his own designs: Be sure to watch your money. Costs loom large and my business is low, therefore do your best to become a master this year with the burin in order to draw and engrave that which you might put out yourself, otherwise you would not engrave much and would have to serve others. The art of invention is better than copying or imitating [emphasis in the original].

For the rest, fear the Lord and remain virtuous, and so it will go well with you, and you will be esteemed by the pious and by God. Voor de reste, vreest den Heer en houdt U deuchdelyk, zoo salt U welgaen en sult van de vromen geacht worden en Gode.

Since apprentices did not usually sign their works until they achieved the status of master, it would be reasonable to assume that he engraved or etched any number of the unsigned works that Matham issued in his role as publisher.

One candidate that has been proposed and remains worth taking seriously is the Antiquae aliquot elegantiae romanae urbis of c. Since more than one hand appears to have etched the series, however, he may have been responsible for only a few of the plates. Van der Kellen cited four plates in series nos. See J. Henkel in U. Thieme and F. Long afterwards, in fact, he would collaborate with Pieter Soutman on a laudatory printed portrait of Matham portraying him at the age of 59 in the year , with Soutman supplying the drawing and Jan van de Velde carrying out the engraving and publishing the plate himself [fig.

Barrett dated the series to based on the watermarks on the set in the Rijkprentenkabinet, Amsterdam, but this analysis overlooks the earlier and unique set of first-state impressions in a private collection with different watermarks, dated by Fuhring idem, p. Nevertheless, and aside from the general problems that arise when using watermarks for the purposes of dating, the series fits stylistically better with a date of c.

The former category also contains many prints published by him for which the engraver or etcher is not named. AW For the drawing, see Barrett, Pieter Soutman, p. The laudatory verses were supplied by Petrus Scriverius. In he registered with the Haarlem Guild of St. Luke at about the age of 21, the youngest that one could join.

The original membership rolls of the guild are no longer extant, but the names and years of entry for many of the artists survive through the notes of Vincent Laurensz van der Vinne ; for which see the entry by Irene van Thiel-Stroman in Pieter Biesboer et al. In alone he published over prints, many comprising innovative series of landscape etchings from his own designs.

There is no trace of his whereabouts between April 6, , when he served as a witness to the baptism of Johan, son of Esaias van de Velde, in Haarlem; and October 19, , when he signed his marriage contract in Enkhuizen, where he is also recorded as living on the Bredestraat. The following year in he found employment as the writing master at the local Latin School in Haarlem, although this was apparently a fairly low-ranking position.

In he applied for and received a raise. Appendix, Docs. Also dated that year is a series of views with castles in Holland and Gelderland, 6 plates Hollstein ; a series of Twelve Months, 12 plates Hollstein ; and a series of Falconers, 4 plates Hollstein Van Velde inu. His address in Enkhuizen is provided by the multiple postings of his marriage banns in November, ; Docs.

By the early seventeenth century, a long tradition of Dutch artists traveling to Italy had already been established, including significant artists and printmakers from Haarlem. There is no reason to rule out an earlier start to his travel, however. Nearly all of the plates that appeared in were published under the auspices of major Amsterdam firms, such as those by De Baudous and Visscher.

An entirely usual business arrangement would be for a printmaker to sell the plates outright to the publisher, who then had the right to print and sell impressions from them for profit, and who may have commissioned the plates in the first place. If Jan had managed to dispose of such a large number of plates in , the sales certainly would have helped provide the ready cash needed for such a long journey.

A nearly unknown drawing at Leiden University, for example, convincingly depicts the church of Santa Maria degli Angeli next to the Baths of Diocletian [fig. Its penwork is highly particular to Van de Velde, especially the Arthur M. It also gives every appearance of having been drawn on the spot. On the other hand, some of his views of Roman or Roman-like ruins, especially those found in his prints, are identifiably borrowed from other artists. His two prints of the Temple of the Sibyl in Tivoli, for example, were clearly taken from a drawing or some iteration thereof by Jan Brueghel the Elder.

Models would have certainly been on hand. Matham likely had a store of such views in his shop in the form of prints and drawings, both by other artists and those from his own trip. As a result it compellingly offers deep perspectival aspects of the street layout and fabric of the city.

While it is certainly possible that Jan worked from a model that had been supplied to him, no prototype has been identified that is even close to it in character. Modern Italian scholars who specialize in the cartographic history of Naples do not hesitate to credit him for pioneering a new type of view of the city, and they take for granted that he must have 10 For this drawing along with his other potential borrowings from Jan Brueghel, and their probable contact in Haarlem, see Chapter Three.

Velde fecit. Editori, , pp. Another is that it may not have been his intention to publish the view in Italy, but rather only to gather source material for his return home, since it appears to have been a commission for an Amsterdam publisher in the first place. The city appears in his plate for the month of October for a series of Twelve Months published by Visscher in Amsterdam in [fig. As with Naples, there is nothing in the previous visual record of Palermo that resembles a prospect view of this sort.

Hollstein only lists two surviving impressions Amsterdam and London, with a third in Munich missing and possibly destroyed in WWII , but a number of others do in fact survive. Whereas Matham accepted a commission for a series of saints from the Roman publisher Giacomo Lauro, Goltzius turned down an offer from a likely very disappointed Girolamo Muziano, and published his own Italian works only after returning to Haarlem.

While the city was not named in the plate, a set of impressions in the Rijksprentenkabinet, Amsterdam inv. RP-P to with topographically reliable pen inscriptions in a seventeenth-century hand perhaps by Van de Velde himself labels the location of this plate as: Een gesichten van Palarma in Sichilien. This was perhaps a set of proofs for the dedicatee of the series, Pieter van Veen. See also J. Heijbroek and Marijn Schapelhouman, eds.

XII al sec. XIX , 2 vols. XV al sec. XIX Caltanissetta: Lussografica, These later views, however, are also entirely different in character. The fact that Van de Velde occasionally appropriated views of Roman ruins by other artists such as Jan Brueghel does not preclude the possibility of his own visit, especially since those borrowings appear to predate his postulated trip. Nor should the lack of many drawings that obviously record sites in Italy deter consideration either, since such a situation is common for some of his contemporaries who we can confirm were indeed present on the peninsula.

See Rudolf E. Ekkart, Portret van Enkhuizen in de gouden eeuw Zwolle: Waanders, , p. The fact that his marriage banns list him as living in the city is also significant since out-of-towners were commonly listed by the city of their origin or long-term residence. Willemsen, Enkhuizen tijdens de Republiek: Een economisch-historisch onderzoek naar stad en samenleving van de 16e to de 19e eeuw Hilversum: Verloren, , p.

Willemsen cites 22, inhabitants in , while De Vries put the population at 20, to 30, Bartholomeus Breenbergh lived there but would have been around twenty years old at the time, and no work by him from this period survives. He left for Italy the following year in and remained there for over ten years.

Breenbergh must have left Enkhuizen sometime between when he appears as a witness for a notarial document and when he left for Italy via Amsterdam. In , according to a marginal notation added to the contract, Frederick Non decided to give the couple cash instead of the promised land for unspecified reasons , totaling a sum of guilders to be paid annually in four installments of guilders each.

The aforementioned Jan van den Velde will also support the young couple in food and drink one year long, and there and above support the expenses of such apprentices as his son wishes to teach, up to eight in number, with his expenses of the 35 Fredrick Dircx heeft belooft te geven met syn voirn. Jan van den Velde een somme van vyer duysent ca. This addendum was signed only by Jan van de Velde II and his father-in-law.

Regardless, this sum would have been more than enough to purchase a house at this prominent address at the time. Pieter de Molijn, for example, purchased a home on the Oude Gracht in for guilders with a mortgage of guilders. Salomon van Ruysdael bought a house on the Oude Gracht in for guilders and a mortgage of guilders.

See Van Thiel-Stroman in Biesboer et al. One is that Jan van de Velde married into a fairly wealthy and prominent family of Enkhuizen merchants. In the apprentice stipulations, one hears echoes of his disappointment over the low payment for the Taffin frontispiece, and perhaps even his desire to see Jan invent his own designs and to support him in this regard.

Dat voert de voorn. Jan van den Velde de jonge luyden onderhouden in den cost ende dranck een jaer lanck ende daer en boven oock onderhouden in den cost alsulcken leerjongen als syn sone syne const sal willen leeren, tot acht int getall toe, mede tot syn costen voirs. Lukasgilde, pp. Although printmakers are not mentioned by name, one presumes they were lumped together with the non-painters: Ende beeldesnyders, goutsmeeden, glazemaeckers en sullen maer twee leer Iongers teffens moghen hebben idem, p.

Since most guild records prior to are missing, largely due to disorganization and even willful neglect , we have a poor idea of his activities up to that point. Luke is Hessel Miedema, De archiefbescheiden van het St. Alphen aan den Rijn: Canaletto, Other important studies include E. Hoogewerff, De geschiedenis van de St. Lucasgilden in Nederland, Amsterdam: P. A brief but informative introduction to the guild can be found in J.

His election approved June 12, His fellow vinders that year were the painter, Floris van Dijck, and the tin-worker, Willem Schoneus. The dean was Hendrick Pot. See Miedema, De archiefbescheiden van het St. Lucasgilde, p. He was absent from the September 4th meeting. The paucity of documents for generally perhaps relates to the outbreak of the plague that year. The guild instructed Hals to either send the boy back or pay a fine of three guilders.

In many respects, the period in which Jan became guild officer was a pivotal one. The painter and architect Salomon de Bray had initiated a number of reforms that sought to correct many years of mismanagement. Hessel Miedema called the relevance of these articles into question when he pointed out that the city never actually ratified them, as had long been believed. In fact, the guild boards themselves approved of reforms in and even though the city had not. For this episode, see Miedema, De archiefbescheiden van het St.

Lucasgilde, pp. Welu and Pieter Biesboer, et al. The position of vinder required first the nomination of guild members and then election by the burgomasters of the city from a pool of nominees presented to them. While many Dutch cities in the early seventeenth century supported a separate guild for painters, the Haarlem guild of St. Luke remained traditional by encompassing a wide range of professions. De Bray divided the guild into an upper division overste gedeelte for practitioners of arts such as painters, printmakers plaatsnyders , glass engravers, sculptors, and architects, while the lower division neederste gedeelte , headed unhappily by the gold- and silver-smiths who understandably felt slighted by their placement , and which included a broad range of crafts such as tin-working, chair-making, etc.

This elevated status might relate to their role — perceived in Haarlem perhaps more than in any other city — as capable creators of 48 Miedema, De archiefbescheiden van het St. The gold- and silver-smiths made their unhappiness with the situation clear by petitioning the city multiple times to be allowed to leave the guild. Joint sessions in drawing, anatomy and other skills and exercises will be held, as well as public lectures, lessons and demonstrations by the best masters for the benefit of the interested layman, the guild members and guests.

Each master is to explain his own art and science. This is to the honor and esteem of our city and guild. Recipes related to etching for mordants and grounds and so forth would have certainly been of interest to painters, other guild members, and even the public at large. Miedema, De archiefbescheiden van het St. Around , Torrentius had moved from Amsterdam to Haarlem, where he proceeded to paint a number of works for a select group of collectors and connoisseurs.

His apparently remarkable paintings elicited the astonishment of many, including such personages as Constantijn Huygens and the English ambassador Dudley Carleton, though only a single undisputed work survives today, a modest still-life painting in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam.

Nevertheless, in January he was tried and sentenced to twenty years in prison for godlessness, heresy, and blasphemy, and had very nearly been burned at the stake instead. The subsequent monograph by Rehorst, a twentieth-century Rosicrucian, is unreliable and eccentric: A.

Rehorst, Torrentius Rotterdam: W. Brusse, For a useful and comprehensive recent study by an amateur historian, see Wim Cerutti, Een Haarlems-Amsterdamse duivelskunstenaar: De schilder en vrijdenker Johannes Torrentius Haarlem: Loutje, Fleischer and Susan Clare Scott, eds. Brown claimed to have found new documents and was planning to publish a book that more fully investigated the case, but it has yet to appear.

Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, , vol. Jan van Gelder rejected the attribution to Torrentius of a number of other still-life paintings suggested by Rehorst, and added what he perceived as a self-portrait drawing in Weimar to his oeuvre, although this is also unconvincing; Jan G. Many of his works were no doubt destroyed, including the many apparently erotic subjects that had led to his notoriety and which were collected by the sheriff after his arrest.

Berendrecht, publisher. A copy of the anonymously penned pamphlet, Leyds-veer-schuyts- praetgen, tusschen een koopman ende borgher van Leyden varende van Haarlem na Leyden inhoudende de geschiedenisse voor-gevallen, tusschen Torrentius ende magistraet van Haarlem Amsterdam: Willem Jansz. Recorded on a third-state impression in the Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen, Rotterdam; see the entry for Hollstein For Berendrecht, see Elizabeth A.

Unfortunately, their resulting report does not survive. Christopher Brown pointed out that Torrentius had an unusual method of painting, since he placed his panels on a flat surface rather than using an easel.

Beyond its aesthetic appeal, one is indeed tempted to see a degree of sympathy in the portrayal, although it is impossible to find any secure connection between the printmaker and Torrentius. Torrentius never returned. Artistic Collaborations Remarkably, we have no evidence of any artistic collaborations on the part of Jan van de Velde II at any point before , meaning that in the earliest period of his career, from c.

On the contrary, evidence suggests that he continued to design his own works periodically throughout his career. Moreover, it would be disingenuous to regard any guild-certified printmaker at the time, even Jan van de Velde, as one who might hesitate to produce plates after the designs of other artists.

This activity was exactly what professional printmakers primarily trained to do. Furthermore, the nature of these designer-printmaker interactions were collaborative in the first place. Especially telling is that a number of artists who supplied designs for him already had had experience, in fact, in making prints themselves, such as Willem Buytewech, Pieter Saenredam, and Pieter de Molijn.

Van de Velde was highly versatile in his collaborative efforts. He both etched and engraved, and could adapt the stylistic needs accordingly. He also might change or alter motifs or parts of a composition, or maintain a strict sense of fidelity to the original, and further he could work from either drawings or paintings as prototypes. He worked directly with some of the most important artists in the city, who clearly treated him as a leading if not premier practitioner of the art of printmaking in a city already famous at the time for its concentration of notable artists.

The two artists were fellow Rotterdammers, both of whom moved to Haarlem and joined the guild there Buytewech in and Van de Velde in and may have had a special kinship related to their shared birth city. In any event, Buytewech returned to Rotterdam sometime before where he died in around the age of thirty-two. A number of surviving drawings testify to the fact that Van de Velde, like most printmakers, could easily have worked remotely, especially since the relative proximity of Haarlem and Rotterdam would have made the exchange of preparatory drawings and proof impressions for approval and correction a reasonably easy process.

One of the most revealing of the surviving preparatory drawings is the subject of Air for a series of Four Elements published in [figs. Meij et al. In terms of process, a recently discovered proof impression of the second version of Air bears additions in black chalk that fill in the clouds in the sky [fig.

While Buytewech had a keen sensibility for the possibilities of the medium in his own printmaking, one rightly celebrated to this day, what his collaboration with other printmakers seems to reveal is his especial admiration for the range of textures available to an artist like Van de Velde. In the image for Fire, for example, in the first set of Four Elements, Van de Velde exchanged the etching needle for the burin for this one meene datse ventelycker sullen syn als de voorgaenden doeden […] derest sult gy genoch [.

For a slightly different transcription of the difficult-to-read text, see Haverkamp-Begemann, Willem Buytewech, pp. Before turning his attention fully to landscape, Pieter de Molijn spent an early and nearly forgotten part of his career painting nighttime genre scenes. From the mid- s onward, Jonas Suyderhoef c. Although it should be noted that a nighttime setting might not have been the original plan, since the surviving preparatory drawing now lost but known from old photographs appears to be set during the daytime; for which see Haverkamp-Begemann, Willem Buytewech, p.

All of these sitters took refuge in Haarlem after being driven from Amsterdam for agitating against Remonstrant officials. Van de Velde apparently had no qualms with engraving their portraits despite coming from a Remonsrant family himself. Not surprisingly, documents reveal that Van de Velde had personal ties to the Hals family during this same period of activity. Hals likely worked alla prima or at least no independent drawings by him survive meaning that Van de Velde likely would have had to work up his studies directly from the paintings themselves.

The portrait of Ampzing is dated , and the portrait of Scriverius Publishing and Workshop Van de Velde published a significant number of his own prints, as indicated by the publication data on the prints themselves. Inscriptions indicating self-publishing are almost always found only in the first state unless proofs survive. Significantly missing from this body of self-published works, for whatever reason, are nearly all of his landscapes, including his multiple series of Twelve Months and Four Seasons.

It appears that all of the plates that Van de Velde first published himself ended up next in the hands of the Amsterdam publisher Claes Jansz Visscher. This idea is reinforced by the fact that impressions of most first states with Van de Velde listed as publisher are not particularly rare, which could indicate that he indeed had some success using these plates to make and sell prints over the course of his lifetime.

On the other hand, it would be no surprise to learn that he first tried to market his prints on his own and then decided to sell certain plates, perhaps because he needed cash or perhaps because the Amsterdam market was simply much larger. His smaller clientele in Haarlem, and possibly guild regulations 78 Hollstein , 6, , 11, 12, 13, , , , , , , For two of his most significant outings as publisher, significant both in terms of the scale and conception of their multi-plate compositions as well as their princely subject matter, Van de Velde took a truly entrepreneurial turn.

A few years later in he published, along with Hendrick Hondius as partner, his most massive set of prints at nearly five meters long , the ten-plate Funeral Procession of Prince Maurits at Delft [fig. For this print, see also Haverkamp- Begemann, Willem Buytewech, pp. CP 2; and Meij et al. Most plates have top and bottom images given separate Hollstein numbers, that when cut would comprise a frieze-like procession. In terms of print publishing he did not nearly become for Haarlem what Visscher was in Amsterdam or Hondius in The Hague.

In spite of being a growth industry, print publishing certainly 82 This monogram, roughly JAVDE in ligature, he would later use on nearly all the small tronie drawings he produced from about onwards, though it only rarely appears on his prints but see for example his engraved portrait of Samuel Ampzing from , Hollstein The Hague: Nijhoff, , vol.

Golahny, M. Mochizuki, and L. Vergara, eds. Van de Velde was apparently unsuccessful if he tried in removing or replacing all incorrect impressions since at least four exempla of the first state survive. An unrecorded set of the first state can also be found in Coburg Kunstsammlung Veste Coburg. He must have certainly sought apprentices at the beginning of his career, as his marriage document attests that his father would support food and drink for up to eight apprentices.

As we have seen, guild regulations limited the number of apprentices at any given time to two, though these edicts were infamously ignored before the s. There is no reason to suppose, however, that he would have wanted or needed more than two at any given time. The names of a number of printmakers who may have studied with Van de Velde have been put forward, based primarily upon the similarities of their etching and engraving styles as well as their production of certain works that Van de Velde designed or published himself as their presumed master.

They include Willem Outgersz Akersloot c. We only have secure documentary evidence for two pupils, both listed in the minutes of a guild meeting in — Cornelis Goutsbloem and Tomas Joncker — though unfortunately almost nothing is known about either of them.

For Goutsbloem, see Hollstein Goutsbloem , vol. He mostly made portrait engravings of naval heroes, and he worked in Hamburg. For Gillis van Scheyndel, Van de Velde served as a witness to his church membership in and to the baptisms of two of his children in and Van Kittensteyn also owned a tavern and wrote as rederijker, playwright, and poet and does not appear to have relied on printmaking as 89 Appendix, Docs.

For this print and its series, see Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum , pp. CP ; Meij et al. The note that Buytewech presumably penned for Van de Velde on the drawing for Air, as discussed above, does not necessarily obviate an attribution to Van Scheyndel since Van de Velde may have been the publisher or at least instigator of this series while Van Scheyndel worked in his shop.

If Claes Pouwelszoon was a pupil of Van de Velde, it was probably also around this time. A date of c. A title or description of the work is not provided. Since he was the brother-in-law of Jacob Matham and about the same age as Van de Velde, they may well have studied with Matham together around the same time. Poelenburgh etched a series of eight landscapes, all but one of which were designed by Van de Velde [figs. Poelenburgh might also be responsible for some of the 98 Appendix, Doc.

We do not know the outcome of the dispute, nor why Hals felt he was owed this money for earned wages verdient arbytsloon. Later Career and Enkhuizen At some point late in or shortly thereafter, Jan van de Velde and his family moved from Haarlem to Enkhuizen, where he would spend the last few years of his life before his death in A thorough analysis of these documents has never been undertaken. Doing so reveals nothing terribly out of the ordinary for a working artist at the time, and previous conjecture about his decision to change cities deserves a great degree of reconsideration.

Of the eight surviving debt notices only two date to the s, and these are for the relatively modest amounts of f 20,4 and f 8, This is hardly a crippling amount for a printmaker whose finished copperplates were probably each valued in about the same range. Moreover, in an age when physical coinage was often in short supply it was not unusual for shopkeepers to use petty courts to force repayment when they were in need of cash themselves.

This is unsurprising since it was a relatively common name, but more important or substantial documents often identify the artist as de jonge, or van Rotterdam, or simply plaetsnyder. Only rarely are such qualifications found in the petty debt documents presumed to be his. While no identifiable work by this latter printmaker survives, he appears to have been a map engraver who trained as a goldsmith, and perhaps though it seems unlikely the pioneer of the aquatint technique who worked for Queen Christina of Sweden in the s, who modern print cataloguers have misleadingly dubbed Jan van de Velde IV.

Previous literature has actually confused his wife, Christina van Hees, and their progeny with those of Jan van de Velde III, the still-life painter and son of our My thanks to Pieter Biesboer for sharing these thoughts with me, in conversation August 15, These prefixes are found on the two petty debt notices of and mentioned above. Evidence simply does not support the notion that Van de Velde moved to Enkhuizen in order to flee creditors in Haarlem.

Furthermore, as mentioned earlier, it appears that his wife received a substantial inheritance of f from her uncle in , right before the family is supposed to have moved. The move may have also appealed to Jan since the field of artists in Haarlem had grown even more crowded by the s, leading to other artists leaving around the same time specifically in search of greener pastures.

Moreover, a residence in Enkhuizen, as the Bouman documents discussed below make clear, did not preclude the acceptance of work commissions from those living elsewhere. The Bouman Commission The only archival evidence to survive from his three-year Enkhuizen period, other than his burial notice, are two notarized documents generated in Amsterdam in They relate to a commission for a set of drawings by Van de Velde for a prominent member of the East India Company there named Johannes Bouman.

Keyes, Esaias van de Velde Doornspijk: Davaco, , pp. See also Appendix, Doc. Nevertheless, other evidence such as the marriage agreement suggests that Stijntgen indeed came from a wealthy merchant family, a fact that further militates against the notion that Jan and his family struggled to survive. In the meantime, he shall not be allowed to make or deliver for anyone else any large works of drawings without the express permission of the aforementioned Bouman under penalty, in case he does the contrary, that Bouman has the power as authoritative owner and without any legal proceedings to take possession of this outside work and to obtain it in his hands.

Rotterdam , vol. Bouman hem sal voorhouden en opgeven, en dat metten eersten sonder eenige exceptie, uytvlught of contraventie, alles tot sulcken redelicken loon, telkens op affcortinge van de voorsz. Sonder dat hy comparant middelerwijle voor iemant anders eenige groote stukken teikeningen sal mogen maken of leveren sonder expresse toelatinge van de voorsz.

Bouman, op peine, indien hy ter contrarie quame te doen, dat hij Bouman dan sal vermogen uyt eigener aucthoriteyt, zonder eenige rechtsvorderinge soodanige sijne buytenwercken aen te vaerden en in sijne handen te becomen. If Van de Velde could not produce coin, then Bouman would allow him to produce drawings instead, as long as he only made them for Bouman and no one else.

Another possibility is that Bouman simply produced the coin up front as a means of definitively engaging the artist for works that he desired in the first place, rather than lending the money with expected repayment initially in coin. If the latter, however, the total sum seems rather arbitrary, as does the stipulation that the value of each drawing would be negotiated separately in terms of how much it would reduce the overall debt only after it was produced. Perhaps significant in this regard is that Bouman afforded Van de Velde complete freedom of the imagination.

Only a single surviving drawing possibly relates to this commission, the previously unpublished, Landscape with Goatherders and a Roman Ruin, monogrammed and dated [fig. Further, it features a return to Italianate subject matter otherwise unknown in his datable later works , here making Bredius in Obreen, Archief voor Nederlandsche Kunstgeschiedenis, vol. Since then, no other comment has been made on this document, noted only once more but in passing by Van Gelder , p.

Another drawing related to the commission now appears to be lost, a large format vellum drawing groot formaet perkement that he presented to Bouman, with Jan Carstensen and his wife Susanna Meurs as witnesses. It reads: While Velde has moved on and lies in his grave, The fisherman [Visscher] brings you these, his last works to light.

Van Gelder apparently misread the name on another burial record, that nevertheless was for a non-family plot. The fact that Stijn continued to live impacts the marriage records which record whether the mother is alive or dead for Jan van de Velde, son of Esaias van de Velde, whose wife, Christina van Hees, was mistakenly thought to have been the second wife of the painter Jan van de Velde III, son of the printmaker Jan van de Velde II see Doc.

A set of proof impressions of the series before the skies were added can be found in the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, in which the clouds and other features have been added in wash by hand. In my opinion, these wash additions as well as the final states of the plates were both carried out by Van de Velde himself, rather than by Visscher or someone in his shop.

Schoenmaker made these identifications based upon eighteenth-century topographical drawings since the original city gates no longer survive as is so often the case. The former is relatively easy to dismiss by a close look at the documents, though the Bouman commission shows that perhaps Van de Velde indeed incurred a somewhat significant debt in the last year of his life if actually a debt rather than a financial obligation to produce artworks.

The latter assessment concerning his focus on originality is more difficult to set aside completely. In no other period of his life would he match the intensity and profusion of original designs that issued forth before around Among professional printmakers, however, such a body of work was rare in the first place. The Bouman commission likewise documents his efforts to do the same in finished drawings.

For whatever reason, Van de Velde appears to have stopped dating his prints by the early s, though curiously he dated a number of monogrammed drawings during these years. Rather than posit a move away from printmaking, however, or a move away from creating his own works, the more likely scenario worth considering is that many of his undated prints actually fall within the last decade of his career.

Many of his undated prints indeed betray a similar style. A substantial but concise account appears in the Introduction to Peter C. Knopf, , pp. The clouds and sky dominate the physical space of the image though not its visual weight, here given to the flat ground plane comprising a vast expanse of polders and woods that accelerate rapidly into the distance.

The imminent accessibility of the image, in the sense that it depicts a directly available scene that would have been and still remains physically proximal to the everyday Dutch viewer, is precisely what makes it so unusual. Its banality, paradoxically, makes it innovative, a fact so easily lost on our post-Romantic eyes. The scene as it is presented and the actions performed therein offer little or no iconographic tractability. Moreover, the inherent spectacle of steep cliffs and churning water often found in the Weltlandschaft tradition has been replaced by a nearly complete lack of dramatic visual animation.

Haarlem was an important center for both the history of printmaking and the history of landscape art. One of the distinctive features of Van 4 For which the standard study remains, Walter S. He offered both seemingly real and obviously imaginary landscapes within the same series, as well as those that would have been perceived as recognizably local or clearly foreign. There are a number of reasons why his positioning deserves reconsideration, not least of which is his insistence on invention through the very act of variation.

This notion deserves attention for its flipping of the historically traditional roles of painter and printmaker — those who invent and those who reproduce. This rivalry between the two cities over the true birthplace of printing would last well into the nineteenth century. And how laudable can Haarlem be called as well! O noble and wise city, which was the first to invent this art! Why does Mainz turn up its nose? Thief, then shut your mouth! En wat is Haerlem ook wel over-waerd te noemen!

Wat schort hier Mentz de neus? Diefegge, snoert den mond. Coornhert and Philips Galle , though both had fled or left the city due to wartime 10 Elizabeth A. See Frans A. Janssen, Over houten druckpersen: een studie van het bronnenmateriaal met het oog op de reconstructie van een houten druckpers te Amsterdam Amsterdam: Van Heusden, ; cited in Schwartz and Bok, Pieter Saenredam, p.

For the drawing, see Schwartz and Bok, Pieter Saenredam, p. Galle had left for Antwerp around , never to return. This was at a time when the city had barely recovered but would begin its great period of economic growth and urban renewal. In the city declared for William the Silent, which must have meant a great deal to Coornhert, who was deeply invested in the success of the Revolt. Haarlem was furthermore a city that he had once called home. The city also had connections to an artistic past that were not strictly print-related.

Memory was still strong of famous painters of whom Haarlem could boast, such as Geertgen tot Sint Jans c. The latter also designed a number of prints that Coornhert and Galle engraved. For his prints, see Ilja M. Although Goltzius had given up printmaking for painting in , his eminence in the graphic arts was already well-established and lasting. Goltzius, I should now wish with the gilded pen to be allowed to profoundly sing your praise to posterity; but your fame is already so great and your name so widely known, that I fear to detract from it by means of my inferior pen.

Nevertheless not wishing to forget you among the art-lovers and the famous, I have taken the temerity to mention in my book your personage as well, and to honor him with this exemplar, which I pray you will receive in gratitude.

While printmakers in the past had often worked up plates based on their own compositions, none had done so to such an extraordinary degree as Goltzius. This is true, at least, in terms of professional printmakers who did not enter the trade as painters. The famous masters of printmaking from the past that Scriverius listed, for instance, were all painters who made prints as an adjunct activity or, as we now know in the case of Mantegna, had prints made for them.

Ick soude my nu wenschen den vergulde Penne om uwen lof den Nacomelinghen volcomentlijck te moghen singhen: maer uwe vermaertheyt is alreede soo groot ende uwen Naem soo wydt verbreyt dat Ick vreese dien veel eer te verminderen, dan door myn slechte penne eenighen luijster te gheven, Nochtans willende u onder de Const-lievende ende Vermaerde niet vergheten, hebbe ick evenwel my verstout uwen Konstrijcken persoon in myn boeck oock te stellen ende hem met dese materie te vereren, die ick bidde in danck te willen ont[vangen].

Temminck et al. This art, too, was first envisioned here by us, And put on a firm footing and brought to full fruition. Much of the previous landscape art produced by Haarlem artists and celebrated by writers like Van Mander and Ampzing served in the backgrounds of religious or narrative paintings, rather than as a subject in its own right. His Landscape in the Vicinity of Haarlem, monogrammed and dated , bears many similarities in form and content to the landscape etchings that Van de Velde would later produce in force [fig.

For this drawing, see especially Leeflang and Luijten , p. The themes of these series vary. He generated multiple sets of Twelve Months and Four Seasons that revolve, as the titles suggest, around the various appearance of nature during certain times of year. KdZ The drawing had been tentatively attributed to Cornelis Claes van Wieringen in the past. Despite the singular position of these latter series for the history of Dutch landscape, they have rarely been considered as complete cycles of images.

For this series as well as select images from it, see, Clifford S. He used advanced techniques such as zone biting to create stronger contrasts in the foreground. One finds these delicately wrought effects throughout the series, and indeed throughout his career.

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